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- Deadline: 01 November 2026 Currently, we are witnessing a dramatic shift to the far-/alt-right and neo-conservatism, and an increasing popularity for illiberalism across diverse policy contexts across the globe. As a consequence of this development, the academic study of gender has been banned in some countries, such as Hungary, and in others – notably the US and the UK – state agencies and courts have taken the decision to define gender as an immutable male-female binary determined by sex assigned at birth. Yet, the implications of these developments are broader and more far-reaching. Anti-gender discourses have gained increasing prominence across multiple global contexts and are increasingly recognized as entry points to far-right political ideologies. Embedded in policy proposals, these discourses also target women’s and gender studies as an academic field including feminist, queer, trans, antiracist and post-colonial scholars. Against this backdrop, this special issue of the European Journal of Women’s Studies opens a space for critical reflection on the alarming contemporary conditions of women’s and gender studies and the political imaginaries informing academic cultures. We seek to explore how recent and ongoing transformations in scientific and governmental policy have affected scholarly practice, academic cultures and learning and teaching experiences, as well as how these changes have shaped the position and status of women’s/gender studies in academia. As guest co-editors, we followed a long trajectory in taking these questions seriously. Ten years ago, in 2016, we published a special issue on women’s and gender studies and changes in academic cultures, in light of the far-reaching transformations taking place in higher education and scientific policy as a result of new public management. For us, it was important to critically explore how neoliberal transformations affected both academic feminism and feminist academics. While analysing the new power dynamics in the neoliberal universities, those discussions also pointed out that women’s and gender studies as a field had sometimes benefited from the neoliberalisation of higher education in complex and ambiguous ways. Since that analysis, however, anti-gender discourses have gained increasing attention and have in diverse ways come to shape the conditions under which women’s/gender studies are conducted. We invite women’s and gender studies scholars to bring feminist, queer, trans, anti-racist and decolonial studies perspectives to bear on a pressing question: how can we understand the contemporary neoliberal condition in its novel guises, as it has become more or less closely interwoven with populist authoritarianism in diverse locations across the globe? Women’s and gender studies scholars in many locations can still take strategic advantage of neoliberalism to gain visibility, funding and recognition – for example through international collaborations and forms of societal engagement. However, a new mode of neoliberal efficiency is increasingly being used to legitimise cuts and closures of gender studies departments. This shift both affects the conditions in which we produce knowledge and the questions that we can ask from critical feminist perspectives. In grappling with this complex shift, we ask: What differences and commonalities characterize the current conditions of women’s and gender studies across diverse contexts? What epistemological, political and ethical questions are raised by these ongoing transformations? How does the global rise of the far-right shape academic governance, and how does it intersect with the neoliberal paradigm of productivity? To what extent do these developments shed new light on longstanding debates within women’s and gender studies – for example concerning the relationship between knowledge and politics, or the possibilities and challenges generated by the institutionalisation of feminism? Today, women’s and gender studies increasingly find themselves at the centre of broader anti-gender and authoritarian political projects in many parts of the world. These developments are transnational in scope but interact with local configurations of institutions, practices and actors in complex ways, posing significant analytical and political challenges. Yet, there remains a lack of research that explores the changing conditions of women’s and gender studies scholarship across local, regional and transnational contexts. We know even less about the variations, overlaps and tensions that characterise these dynamics in diverse international settings. In light of these transformations, we invite scholars to revisit discussions of the “neoliberal academy” in relation to contemporary anti-gender politics and explore the following, as well as other, themes:Transformation of academic labour and knowledge production under conditions of rising far-/alt-right influence and governanceNegotiations, strategies and complicities of feminist scholars under increasing anti-genderismConceptualisation of the contemporary forms of anti-gender politics under women’s and gender studies especially through concepts such as illiberalism, authoritarianism, authoritarian neoliberalism, fascism, and neo-fascismEpistemic, political, and ethical issues raised by the rise of anti-feminism and anti-genderism and its relationship to neoliberal emphasis on productivity, impact, and income generation; including of the university governance’s emphasis on: neoliberal “buzzwords” such as excellence, interdisciplinarity, flexibility, competition, and internationalisation mechanisms of ranking and rating, structures of auditing and quality control, and logics of individualisation and metricisation, the recognition of expertise and academic authority Illiberalism in higher education and governmental policy on the institutionalisation of women’s and gender studies We invite abstracts of 150-200 words. Abstracts should be sent to all three special issue editors: demet.gulcicek.1@warwick.ac.uk; sabine.grenz@univie.ac.at; mia.liinason@genus.lu.se Deadline for abstracts: 1 Nov, 2026 Deadline for articles: 31 March, 2027 Expected publication date: May/June 2028 All articles will be subject to the regular review process organized by the journal. Article length must be between 6,000 and 7,000 inclusive of bibliography, notes etc. and should not have been published previously.Contact details for special issue editors:Assist. Prof. Demet Gülçiçek, Honorary Researcher, Department of Gender Studies, University of Warwick, UK & Department of Sociology, Munzur University, Turkey, demet.gulcicek.1@warwick.ac.ukAssoc.Prof. Sabine Grenz, Research unit for interdisciplinary Gender Studies/Department of Education, University of Vienna, Austria, sabine.grenz@univie.ac.atProfessor Mia Liinason, Division of Gender Studies, Lund University, Sweden, mia.liinason@genus.lu.se
- Deadline: 01 November 2026 Appel à contribution pour le numéro 99 de la revue Lien social et PolitiquesPublication au printemps 2028Sous la direction d'Alexandra Ana (Université de Montréal), Ilana Eloit (Université de Genève), Ahmed Hamila (Université de Montréal) et David Paternotte (Université libre de Bruxelles)Le militantisme transnational LGBTQI+ n’est pas neuf et on en retrouve de nombreux exemples à travers l’histoire récente (Belmonte, 2021). Le mot « homosexuel » lui-même serait né en 1868 sous la plume du militant hongrois Kertbeny, alors installé à Berlin, dans un échange épistolaire avec l’avocat Ullrichs au sujet du Code pénal prussien (Hekma, 2015). Un peu plus tard, le médecin allemand Magnus Hirschfeld, pionnier de la sexologie, a également posé les bases d’organisations transnationales structurées à travers la Ligue mondiale pour la réforme sexuelle et surtout le Comité scientifique-humanitaire, qui a notamment essaimé aux Pays-Bas (Tamagne, 2000 ; Mancini, 2010 ; Marhoefer, 2022). C’est dans ce pays que le militantisme homosexuel transnational renaît après la seconde guerre mondiale avec la fondation de l’International Committee for Sexual Equality (Rupp, 2011 ; Jackson, 2014), avant la création de l’International Gay (and Lesbian) Association en 1978 à Coventry. Cette organisation mondiale a rapidement été déclinée en fédération régionale, dont ILGA-Europe — née en 1996 — est la plus institutionnalisée (Ayoub et Paternotte, 2014, 2016). Dans une perspective différente, des tensions de genre et une attention particulière aux enjeux féministes et à l’autonomie politique lesbienne ont conduit à la fondation de l’International Lesbian Information Service (ILIS) au début des années 1980 (Wilson, 2022). Beaucoup plus récemment, la fédération Égides a été fondée en 2019 à Montréal avec l’appui du gouvernement du Québec comme une alliance internationale visant à rassembler les organisations LGBTQI+ francophones (Hamila et Alameddine, 2026).Malgré des évolutions notables dans les façons de comprendre et de penser la diversité en matière de genre et de sexualité, il existe donc une histoire longue des mobilisations transnationales LGBTQI+, qui se sont progressivement étendues à l’ensemble de la planète (Kollman et Waites 2009 ; Broqua et coll., 2016). Au-delà d’une volonté de rompre un certain isolement, les raisons sont nombreuses : échange d’idées et de bonnes pratiques, élaboration et consolidation d’une identité commune, soutien à des groupes et des organisations balbutiantes, volonté de peser dans les organisations internationales, etc. Souvent, derrière ces objectifs, les idées d’appartenance et de solidarité jouent un rôle important. À travers le monde, des personnes ressentent des formes de ressemblance, qui les poussent à se lire comme faisant partie d’un même collectif et les incitent à vouloir échanger et travailler ensemble.En même temps, ces mobilisations présentent de grandes différences et ont évolué à travers le temps. Elles ne reposent pas sur les mêmes bases identitaires et se sont profondément complexifiées, notamment à l’aune de débats et conflits parfois violents (Massad, 2007 ; Waites, 2009). Ce numéro thématique essaie de comprendre l’actualité de ces luttes à partir de la notion de solidarité transnationale et souhaite explorer comment se présente et fonctionne le militantisme LGBTQI+ transnational aujourd’hui. Il nous semble en effet que nous traversons un moment particulièrement fécond, qui invite à repenser certains des travaux produits au cours des deux dernières décennies. D’une part, on note une expansion sans précédent du militantisme LGBTQI+ à l’échelle du globe, favorisé par des formes de circulation accrues elles-mêmes propulsées par le développement d’internet et des réseaux sociaux (Khan et Hussain, 2025). Ainsi, malgré des formes de pénalisation et de répression parfois sévères, peu de pays ne connaissent pas de tels groupes ou collectifs aujourd’hui. En même temps, les identités sur lesquelles reposent ces luttes sont plus nombreuses et plus diversifiées, ce qui pose la question des fondations du collectif et de comment faire groupe tout en respectant les spécificités et la diversité internes. D’autre part, on enregistre un renouvellement des formes d’opposition et de répression consécutif au développement des campagnes anti-genre (Liu et coll., 2024). Celles-ci ne relèvent pas uniquement de la société civile, mais peuvent alimenter des projets gouvernementaux, voire découler avant tout de ceux-ci. Ce contexte fait peser de nouvelles contraintes sur cet essor militant et peut générer des divisions et des tensions internes, comme l’illustrent le ralliement de certains gays à des partis d’extrême droite (Lockhart, 2023) ou le soutien de quelques lesbiennes aux luttes anti-trans (Worthen, 2022). Ces contraintes sont par ailleurs renforcées par un intérêt décroissant pour les droits humains en politique internationale et une réduction de la coopération internationale, y compris de la part de régimes démocratiques.Tout ceci crée un environnement différent qu’il nous paraît essentiel d’interroger. Si les solidarités transnationales LGBTQI+ se sont historiquement construites autour de sentiments d’appartenance, d’expériences partagées de marginalisation ou encore d’objectifs politiques communs, les bases mêmes de ces solidarités apparaissent aujourd’hui plus complexes et plus disputées (Çağatay et coll., 2022 ; Bhardwaj, 2024). Les catégories identitaires qui ont longtemps structuré les mobilisations — homosexuel, gai, lesbienne, puis LGBT — se sont progressivement transformées, élargies et diversifiées. À l’échelle internationale, l’émergence et la circulation de nouvelles catégories institutionnelles (SOGI, SOGIESC, etc.) ou socio-politiques (queer, non-binaires, etc.) témoignent d’une extension du vocabulaire politique, mais aussi de débats sur les manières de nommer, représenter et organiser les luttes. Ces transformations ne relèvent pas uniquement d’une évolution lexicale : elles renvoient à des tensions plus profondes autour des frontières du collectif, des hiérarchies internes, des formes de visibilité et des rapports de pouvoir qui traversent les espaces militants nationaux comme transnationaux.Ces tensions prennent place dans un contexte marqué par l’intensification des circulations transnationales associées à la mondialisation. La multiplication des migrations, des espaces internationaux, des conférences, des réseaux de plaidoyer ainsi que des dispositifs de financement a favorisé des rencontres inédites entre acteur·ices situés dans des contextes nationaux variés (Thoreson, 2014 ; Ayoub et Bauman, 2019). Dans le même temps, cette intensification des circulations soulève d’importantes questions : que signifie aujourd’hui faire groupe à partir d’expériences sociales, historiques et géopolitiques profondément hétérogènes ? Comment construire des solidarités dans un contexte traversé par des rapports de pouvoir liés à la race, au genre, à la classe, à la religion, à la langue ou encore aux héritages coloniaux ?Les transformations technologiques constituent un autre élément central de cette recomposition. Le développement d’internet, des médias sociaux et des outils numériques a profondément modifié les conditions de production des solidarités transnationales (Pain, 2024). Ces technologies facilitent des formes de circulation rapide des idées, des répertoires d’action, des catégories identitaires et des savoirs militants, tout en permettant l’émergence d’espaces communautaires qui dépassent les frontières nationales. Elles jouent également un rôle central dans la mise en visibilité de violences, dans la diffusion d’appels à la mobilisation ou encore dans la construction de campagnes transnationales (Schmitz et coll., 2022). Mais elles participent aussi à l’accélération des conflits, à la polarisation des débats internes et à l’émergence de nouvelles hiérarchies de visibilité.Enfin, face à l’intensification des campagnes anti-genre et antiwokistes, au rétrécissement de l’espace civique et à la montée de projets politiques autoritaires, les mobilisations LGBTQI+ semblent de plus en plus s’inscrire dans des dynamiques de convergence des luttes et de coalition (Broad, 2024). Les frontières entre causes apparaissent plus poreuses qu’auparavant : les enjeux LGBTQI+ s’articulent désormais plus explicitement aux luttes antiracistes, féministes, décoloniales, autochtones, écologistes ou encore aux mobilisations contre les politiques migratoires restrictives et les inégalités sociales dans certains contextes, comme au Québec (Enriquez, 2024, Chbat, 2026). Ces rapprochements soulèvent néanmoins plusieurs questions : sur quelles bases les coalitions se construisent-elles ? Quelles solidarités produisent-elles ? Et comment composent-elles avec des intérêts, des priorités ou des positionnements parfois divergents ?Axe 1 : Pouvoir et visibilité dans les solidarités transnationalesComment les solidarités transnationales LGBTQI+ sont-elles traversées par des asymétries de pouvoir, des hiérarchies de légitimité, et des inégalités d’accès à la visibilité, aux espaces décisionnels ainsi qu’aux financements ? Cet axe propose d’interroger à la fois les rapports de pouvoir Nord/Sud hérités de la colonisation et les tensions internes aux mouvements — notamment les hiérarchies de genre, de race, de religion, de classe, de sexualité ou de langue — afin d’analyser comment ces asymétries façonnent la hiérarchisation des causes, les cadres discursifs, les identités mobilisées et les modes de gouvernance dans les espaces transnationaux (Chetaille, 2013 ; Farmer, 2020 ; Rao, 2020). Une attention particulière sera également portée aux résistances militantes, épistémiques et institutionnelles à la reproduction de ces logiques de domination.Il s’agira par exemple d’analyser comment les solidarités transnationales redéfinissent les frontières des luttes LGBTQI+ en les articulant à d’autres combats, tout en renforçant l’autonomie des acteur·ices, la reconnaissance des savoirs locaux et la redistribution du pouvoir. Comment comprendre aujourd’hui les alliances avec d’autres mouvements sociaux, au-delà de l’idée d’alliances « naturelles » ou de coalitions purement stratégiques et ponctuelles ? Comment les coalitions et les mobilisations situées à l’intersection de différents régimes d’oppression parviennent-elles à contester ou à rééquilibrer ces asymétries de pouvoir ? Comment l’(in)visibilité différenciée des corps façonne-t-elle les possibilités de participation, de représentation et de mobilisation ? Cet axe invite ainsi à réfléchir aux tensions entre universalisation des droits, des discours et des identités et ancrages localisés des luttes et des savoirs ; entre circulations globales des identités et résistances locales ; ou encore entre dynamiques transnationales de mobilisation, notamment dans la construction de coalitions plus larges, et hiérarchies internes aux mouvements.Axe 2 : Formes d’organisations et répertoires d’actionLes mobilisations transnationales LGBTQI+ se sont progressivement institutionnalisées à travers des organisations internationales, des réseaux militants et des dispositifs de plaidoyer qui ont contribué à inscrire les enjeux liés à l’orientation sexuelle et à l’identité de genre dans les débats publics et les arènes internationales (Thoreson, 2014 ; Paternotte et Seckinelgin, 2015 ; Ayoub, 2016). Ces transformations ont favorisé l’émergence de nouvelles formes d’organisation, marquées par l’ONGisation de certains mouvements et une professionnalisation accrue des acteur·ices qui les composent, le développement d’expertises spécialisées et une diversification des répertoires d’action (Paternotte, 2016). Elles ont également suscité des critiques relatives à une dépolitisation des luttes, une dépendance excessive aux logiques de financement, diverses formes de cooptation ou encore la production d’une certaine démobilisation (Ana, 2024). En même temps, certains acteur·ices ont fait le choix de refuser l’institutionnalisation au profit d’un ancrage au sein de communautés de base, tant au niveau national que transnational, et des crises économiques successives combinées à un virage autoritaire dans de nombreux pays ont fragilisé l’institutionnalisation des luttes LGBTQI+. Enfin, le développement du cyberespace a profondément restructuré les formes contemporaines de mobilisation, y compris au sein du monde LGBTQI+.À la lumière de ces transformations, cet axe interroge les formes contemporaines de la mobilisation. Les tactiques d’action institutionnalisées, autrefois critiquées comme signes de dépolitisation, sont-elles aujourd’hui revalorisées dans un contexte de rétrécissement de l’espace civique et de concurrence accrue avec des acteur·ices conservateurs ? Ou bien les formes protestataires — manifestations, occupations de l’espace public, participation à des luttes sociales plus larges — sont-elles privilégiées comme moyens de contester la fragmentation des luttes héritée des dernières décennies ? Enfin, quelles formes d’organisation apparaissent possibles dans un contexte marqué par la précarisation, la fragmentation des financements et la dépendance croissante à l’égard des ressources institutionnelles ? Comment la répression façonne-t-elle les rapports de solidarité, les dynamiques coalitionnelles et les conditions de la mobilisation ?Axe 3 : Objets, causes et terrains de mobilisationSur quoi se mobilise-t-on ? Cette question a priori sans enjeux appelle en réalité une réponse relativement compliquée, qui recoupe celles des objectifs des mobilisations et des manières de se mobiliser. On associe souvent ces luttes à des objectifs politiques : freiner ou contester une loi, dénoncer la répression ou encore peser dans les instances internationales. À tous ces niveaux, la mobilisation transnationale apparait souvent comme un levier et une façon de renforcer l’action d’acteur·ices locaux. En même temps, un certain nombre d’initiatives récentes ont montré les dangers de mobilisations transnationales quand elles ne sont pas ancrées dans les réalités locales, en interaction étroites avec les acteur·ices de terrain.Il est toutefois possible de poursuivre des fins politiques par des fins détournées, il convient d’ouvrir la définition de ce qui compte comme politique et il est possible de se mobiliser pour d’autres raisons. Ainsi, de nombreuses actions militantes ont d’abord visé à construire, consolider et faire exister des identités et des savoirs, en particulier quand ceux-ci renvoient à des groupes peu nombreux et minorisés, qui peuvent trouver dans la transnationalisation des ressources qui ne sont pas toujours disponibles dans leur contexte d’origine. Ensuite, il convient, à la lumière des mobilisations féministes et LGBTQI+ de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, de ne pas restreindre le périmètre de ce qui est considéré comme politique. Cela porte à la fois sur le contenu des luttes et sur leurs destinataires. En effet, nombre de combats LGBTQI+ ont avant tout porté sur une certaine politisation de l’intime et du privé : formes relationnelles, violences, échanges sexuels, possibilités d’être soi, etc. De même, ces combats ne visent pas uniquement l’État, incarnation du politique dans de nombreuses sociétés, mais aussi les acteur·ices religieux, médicaux ou sanitaires (Eboko et coll., 2011 ; Gallardo, 2016 ; Seckinelgin, 2017), certaines entreprises, etc. Enfin, en particulier dans des contextes répressifs ou autoritaires, l’expression politique peut prendre des formes détournées moins susceptibles d’attirer les foudres des gouvernants, par exemple à travers l’art et l’artivisme (Elefteriadis, 2014 ; Minillo, 2025) Ce numéro souhaite donc ouvrir le spectre des mobilisations transnationales étudiées, en incluant par exemple des initiatives culturelles, religieuses, festives ou sportives.Axe 4 : Transnationalisation des résistances LGBTQI+Les oppositions aux mobilisations et revendications LGBTQI+ ne sont pas neuves et ont contribué à de nombreuses reprises à restreindre les droits et libertés des personnes concernées. Il semble toutefois que nous traversions une nouvelle période de rétrécissement et de répression, qui succède à une phase d’ouvertures et d’avancées aux niveaux tant national qu’international. Ces oppositions rencontrent toutefois des mouvements LGBTQI+ plus structurés et plus développés, ce qui construit un environnement inédit. Cependant, la résistance est également façonnée par d’autres formes de pouvoir hégémonique ayant structuré l’ordre géopolitique mondial, notamment le capitalisme, l’impérialisme, le colonialisme et le postcolonialisme. Dans cette perspective, la transnationalisation des résistances ouvre la possibilité d’interroger plus directement les logiques néocoloniales qui ont pu structurer les solidarités LGBTQI+ en remettant en question l’idée selon laquelle des activistes issus de pays considérés comme plus avancés en matière de droits LGBTQI+ soutiendraient des militant·es évoluant dans des contextes marqués par des gouvernements homophobes et misogynes (Çağatay et coll., 2022). Plus récemment, la transnationalisation des résistances LGBTQI+ est également façonnée par la structuration transnationale des mouvements anti-genre en tant que contre-mouvements, lesquels favorisent la circulation transfrontalière des savoirs, des stratégies et des ressources financières, phénomène illustré par la métaphore de la « double hélice » (Ayoub et Stoeckl, 2024). Ces résistances ne sont pas exclusivement extérieures aux mouvements LGBTQI+, certaines organisations gaies et lesbiennes ayant rejoint l’offensive anti-trans et anti-genre, ce qui repose en des termes renouvelés la question des hiérarchies et des lignes de fracture internes.Cet axe vise ainsi à comprendre le renouvellement des formes de résistances LGBTQI+ à ces diverses offensives conservatrices et à interroger la transnationalisation des résistances LGBTQI+, ses spécificités ainsi que ses imbrications avec des formes de pouvoir se déployant à l’échelle globale. Quel rôle jouent les solidarités transnationales dans la transnationalisation des résistances LGBTQI+ ? Quelles formes prennent ces résistances ? Quelles formes de pouvoir sont reproduites à travers la transnationalisation des résistances ? Et comment les activistes négocient-iels les tensions inhérentes au nexus résistance-pouvoir ?Axe 5 : Héritages historiques, mémoires et transmissionsLes solidarités transnationales LGBTQI+ contemporaines s’inscrivent dans une histoire longue, faite de circulations, de continuités, de ruptures et de réappropriations successives. À rebours d’une lecture présentant la transnationalisation des mobilisations comme un phénomène récent, cet axe invite à replacer les solidarités LGBTQI+ dans une généalogie plus large, marquée par l’émergence de réseaux militants, d’organisations internationales, de rencontres transnationales et de formes diverses d’internationalisme. Ces histoires demeurent toutefois fragmentées, inégalement documentées et parfois marginalisées dans les récits dominants des mouvements sociaux.Cet axe propose d’examiner la manière dont les héritages militants circulent, se transforment et se réactivent dans le présent. Une attention particulière pourra être portée aux formes de transmission intergénérationnelle, aux mémoires collectives, aux archives LGBTQI+ ainsi qu’aux continuités et ruptures entre mobilisations passées et contemporaines. Comment certains héritages sont-ils préservés tandis que d’autres sont oubliés ? Quels processus politiques, institutionnels ou épistémiques contribuent à rendre visibles certaines histoires et à en invisibiliser d’autres ? Comment penser l’historicité des solidarités transnationales au-delà des récits linéaires du progrès ?***Quel que soit l’axe privilégié, les articles attendus reposeront sur les résultats de travaux empiriques en lien avec la thématique du numéro. Ils pourront aussi prendre la forme de contributions aux débats théoriques et méthodologiques. La revue ne publie que des textes inédits. Les auteur∙ices sont tenu∙es d’aviser la rédaction de tout projet de publication concurrent.Les auteur∙ices sont invité∙es à envoyer une proposition de contribution (1 à 2 pages, environ 6'000 signes), en précisant leur affiliation universitaire, avant le 1er novembre 2026, aux responsables du numéro : Alexandra Ana (alexandra.ana@umontreal.ca), Ilana Eloit (ilana.eloit@unige.ch), Ahmed Hamila (ahmed.hamila@umontreal.ca), David Paternotte (david.paternotte@ulb.be). Celles et ceux dont la proposition aura été retenue par le comité de rédaction seront invité∙es à soumettre un article complet pour le 15 mars 2027. La parution du numéro thématique est prévue pour le printemps 2028.
- Deadline: 09 November 2026 University of Geneva, June 17-18, 2027Deadline for proposals: November 9, 2026Since the struggles for reproductive health that marked the 1970s the feminist movements, the visual arts have played a crucial role in establishing a new visual vocabulary to rethink the connection between health, gender, and sexuality. Visual culture is paramount in the context of a reconfiguration of knowledge, practices, and representations surrounding sexual health driven by feminist, queer, and intersectional liberation movements.The visualization of bodies within a medical context has historically been the site for the construction of knowledge based on objectification and the fiction of a neutral gaze. As Donna Haraway has pointed out, as conceived by modern science, the act of looking produces asymmetrical relationships, in which the object of the gaze is presented as transparent and penetrable. On the contrary visual practices emanating from feminist movements have approached representations as part of a struggle for autonomy, thereby enabling to conceptualize the image and the gaze from the perspective of self-determination. Taking its title from Griselda Pollock’s eponymous text, this conference aims to examine the production of a feminist “counter-visuality” of female bodies and sexualities. While the language of medical objectivity is being reconfigured through a re-examination of the distance separating the subject and the object of knowledge, the assertion of a right to pleasure provides the foundation for a new exploration of female sexuality, in line with the most radical positions of feminism in the 1960s and 1970s.This conference is dedicated to examining the intersection of visual culture, artistic creation, and sexual health from the 1970s to the present day through an intersectional feminist lens. It aims to explore the female body not only in its material dimension but also in terms of its representations and is grounded in an inclusive conception of femininity encompassing cis and trans women.Proposals for papers in the fields of art history and photography, curatorial studies, film history, and visual culture may address—though are not limited to—one of the following thematic areas:Representing the reproductive body: menstruation, abortion, pregnancy, childbirth.Intersectional perspectives on sexual health in art and visual culture: class, gender, race, and sexuality.Self-help practices and activist counter-visualities.Intersex bodies between medicalization, image, and the archive.Trans perspectives and critiques of heteronormativity.Sexual well-being and politics of care in contemporary art.Sex work and women’s health in visual culture.Representing sexual autonomy: from anatomy to pleasure.Transnational circulations: visual productions, sexuality, and health.Aging female bodies in Art and Visual Culture.Proposals in french or english for 20-minutes papers (including a title and an abstract of 200–300 words, and a short bio max 150 words) should be submitted by November 9, 2026, to the following address: celia.honore@unige.chOrganizing CommitteeGiovanna Zapperi, Université de GenèveCélia Honoré, Université de GenèveScientific CommitteeIlana Eloit (Université de Genève), Alessandra Gissi (Università di Napoli L’Orientale), Célia Honoré (Université de Genève), Elvan Zabunyan (Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne), Giovanna Zapperi (Université de Genève)This conference is organized in the framework of the research project “Visions of Sex” funded by the Centre Maurice Chalumeau en Sciences des Sexualités, University of Geneva.
- Deadline: 15 November 2026 This edited volume, for which Palgrave Macmillan has expressed initial interest, examines how sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) are contested, asserted, and (re)imagined across contemporary political, social, technological, and transnational landscapes. Moving beyond conventional public health framings, it engages political-sociological and interdisciplinary discourses to conceptualize Sexual and Reproductive Politics (SRP). The volume documents how political regimes, institutions, movements, civil society actors, and emerging technologies (re)shape SRHR discourse and praxis, enabling or constraining rights and justice.How do contemporary events (armed conflicts; forced migrations; climate change; COVID-19 pandemic; resurgent conservative/ authoritarian/ religious regimes; misinformation; and exclusionary techno-digital SRHR initiatives), (re)shape SRHR? How do socio-political movements, institutional endeavours, transnational processes, menstrual rights recognition, LGBTIQA+ organisations, and civil society interventions, (re) imagine SRHR praxis? In what ways are marginalized groups disproportionately affected? What methodologies efficiently capture the complexities of SRHR justice? These are some questions chapters are invited to ponder upon.This volume consists of the following parts:Part I. Understanding Concepts and Methodological Foundations in Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR)Approaches to Studying SRHRBiopolitics, Bioethics and the Governed BodiesDecolonial Approaches to Sexual and Reproductive Rights and Governance.Intersectionality as Method: Caste, Class, Race, Indigeneity, Gender (Identity), Sexuality and others in SRHRFrom "Health" to "Politics": Repositioning SRHR within Sexual and Reproductive PoliticsOthersPart II: Political Regimes, Institutions and Governance in SRHR Discourse and PraxisAuthoritarianism, Religious Conservatism and the Rollback of Reproductive RightsPopulism, Nationalism and Pronatalist Demographic ControlCourts as Battlegrounds: Constitutionalizing and De-constitutionalizing SRHRInstitutional Policy Endeavours: Successes, Gaps and ContradictionsCOVID-19 and Crisis Governance: Disruptions and Interventions in SRHROthersPart III. Civil Society and Movements in SRHR Discourse and PraxisFeminist and Queer Movements Reclaiming Reproductive Autonomy (global south scholarships are encouraged)Marriage Equality and Other LGBTIQA+ Assertions in SRHR (e.g., Thailand, Taiwan, Argentina)Menstrual Rights Movements and Civil Society AdvocacyGrassroots and Community InterventionsTrans and Intersex Medical Interventions and SRHROthersPart IV. Sexual and Reproductive Rights and Justice in Contemporary TimesConcepts, Methods and Approaches in SRHR and JusticeAbortion Law Reforms and Debates: Decriminalization, Criminalization, and Recriminalization (e.g. Poland, Latin America, Indonesia, United States, China, India, Nepal)Contraceptive Access, Choice and Structural BarriersMenstrual Health as a Fundamental Right: Jurisprudence and Everyday PraxisClimate Change as a Reproductive IssueOthersPart V. Violence, Conflict, Displacement and SRHRSRHR in Conflict-Affected Regions (Africa, MENA, South Asia)Gender-Based and Sexual ViolenceForced Migration, Refugee Camps and Reproductive Health AccessWar, Humanitarian Emergencies and the Collapse of SRHR InfrastructureOthersPart VI. SRHR and Techno-Digital DevelopmentsTechno-Digital SRHR Initiatives: Inclusion, Exclusion and Design BiasTelemedicine, SRHR Applications, and the Politics of Digital AccessSurveillance, Data Governance and the Reproductive Body OnlineIntersectional and Decolonial PerspectivesMisinformation and Digital Politics in SRHRAssisted Reproductive Technologies and SRHROthersPart VII. Marginalized communities, Regional Perspectives and Transnationalization of SRHRDisability, Bodily Autonomy and Reproductive RightsSRHR Among Sexual and Gender MinoritiesSRHR Among Indigenous/ Tribals/ Adivasis, Ethnic MinoritySRHR in Less Developed/ Global South regionsNorth-South Dynamics: Aid, Policy Transfer and Reproductive SovereigntyGlobal Governance, International Law and Norm DiffusionCross-Border Reproductive Mobility and “Abortion Tourism”Transnational Advocacy Networks and SRHR DiplomacyOthersAbstracts are invited on the above / related themes.We encourage abstracts focusing on women, indigenous, LGBTIQA+ and migrant populations, global south perspectives and other marginalized sections/ regions. Scholars, early-career researchers, practitioners, and activists working across disciplines (political science, sociology, anthropology, law, public health, gender studies, STS, history, and related fields) are encouraged to submit. We particularly welcome contributions from authors based in the Global South and from historically marginalized communities.Submissions are invited in the following formats:Empirical Research ChaptersTheoretical & Conceptual PapersPolicy Analyses & Case StudiesMethodological Reflections (challenges and ethics of SRHR fieldwork and others)Practitioner Reflections (grounded perspectives from the field)Submission Guidelines:Deadline: 15th Nov, 2026.Abstract guidelines: Include chapter’s main argument, methods and supporting evidence, and in-line references to key literature and theorists. Please include an indicative list of references (APA 7th edition style, single page) at the end of the abstract, and keywords (4-6).Word limit and format: 350-500 words (excluding keywords and references), using Calibri 11 font, typed with single space.Suggested abstract template: i) Title, ii) Brief overview/ background/ introduction, iii) Primary objective(s), iv) Main argument(s), v) Methods, vi) Supporting evidence, vii) Key/ preliminary findings (if applicable), viii) Keywords (4-6), (ix) Indicative single page reference.Author details: Include full name, institutional affiliation (or community/organization), email address, a 75–100 word bio.You may submit your abstract via email or upload it to the link provided belowSubmission: Single Word document named "EVPM Title of Abstract_NAME ".Subject line (for email submission): "Abstract Submission_ EVPM Abstract Title".Submission email and link: Email- doris.leibetseder@unibas.ch / Pushpikasapna@gmail.com; Link- https://forms.gle/8g5xxk7cPwuTdJce8Please Note:Authors of the selected abstracts will be notified by 30th January, 2027. Call for full chapters and other processes thereafter, TBD. Only authors of selected abstracts will be contacted.Authors submitting their abstracts to the XXI ISA Congress of Sociology 2027 on the same theme (refer to my previous post), may also submit their works for this edited volume provided they have not been published elsewhere.
- Deadline: 01 December 2026 Trans lesbians are the shadow history of trans femininity. Despite the demographic significance, archival proliferation, and longstanding cultural contributions of trans lesbians -- from the paintings of Toni Ebel (c1950) to the films of the Wachowski sisters (1995-present) -- both histories of lesbianism and transness consign the trans lesbian to footnotes. Trans lesbians appear as an aside in Esther Newton’s comment about hormone queens gone deep stealth to live with other women. They bear the weight of representation in origin stories for organized feminist transphobia -- the fabled flashpoint of Beth Elliot’s attempted exclusion from the 1973 West Coast Lesbian Conference, for example. And trans lesbian identity is rendered historiographically significant for its counter hegemonic exposure of the enmeshment of zones of trans experience, desire and sociality in Jules Gill-Peterson’s invocation of trans lesbians as the TERF’s, and sexology’s, nightmare. For this issue, we propose a change of perspective: it is high time to put trans lesbians in the spotlight, not as a reference point in discussion of supposedly more general or abstract points of lesbian and trans history and theory, but as themselves, in all of the particularities of their trans lesbian life.We propose trans lesbian life as a broad category that indexes both a discernably non-cis gendered positionality and the desire for women, inclusively conceived. Thus understood, trans lesbian life is inclusive of trans lesbianism as a claimed identity, as a set of erotic practices, as textual or visual representations, as a political orientation, and above all as a desire for the proliferation of lesbian life and culture. Against narratives that see transness as a threat to or a replacement for lesbianism, we seek to turn attention to the ways that trans lesbianism celebrates, upholds, and expands on histories of lesbian life—histories that it has always been a part of. For this reason, we believe it is vitally important to speak of trans lesbian life—even now, especially now. In spite of all the considerable forces actively trying to suppress its very possibility, trans lesbian life continues to flourish: in bars and Discord chatrooms, in bedrooms and in the streets, in literature and in memes, in political struggles and in wanton expression of lust. Therefore, to speak of trans lesbians only—or even primarily—as a flashpoint in culture wars and a minority under threat is to do them a great disservice. To the end of giving an account of trans lesbian life, we invite contributions that:Highlight how trans lesbianism is lived, practiced and expressed, both today and throughout history, and shed light on trans lesbian modes of history- and community- making, including specifically digital and niche forms of trans lesbian community formation;Show how trans lesbian life and culture can contribute to lesbian and trans theory and philosophy, and consider what a trans lesbian perspective can contribute to our understanding of transfemininities, transwomanhoods and gendered bodyminds more broadly.Explore gender politics and erotics of trans lesbian relationships (t4t, relationships between trans and non-trans lesbians, non-binary lesbians etc.) as well as particularly trans lesbian forms of sexual practice and expression;Consider how the conditions of trans lesbian life are co-constitued through intersections with class and conditions of work, race and racialisation, geography and geopolitics, and all the other factors that help to pluralize our understanding of trans lesbian lives;Put trans lesbian life in conversation with Black feminism, queer theory, mad/crip theory, porn and kink studies, new media studies, femme theory, and contemporary reconsiderations of feminist theories across its many “waves”.Submission InstructionsIn all of the above, we especially welcome contributions that provide perspectives that decenter Western standpoints and which speak to the conditions of trans lesbian life outside of the Western context, or which seek to trouble the West-versus-the-rest binary that continues to structure so much of our understanding of globalisation and locality in women, gender, and sexuality studies. We also welcome contributions from Central Eastern European and Diasporic (CEED) perspectives, and those which decenter or provincialise hegemonic American histories. And we welcome creative approaches to the article form.Please send short proposals of 300 word and a short bio to Dr. J. Szpilka, jszpilka@swps.edu.pl and Dr Em Cousens emily.cousens@nulondon.ac.uk
- Deadline: 01 December 2026 21-23 MAY 2027 UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO ALBUQUERQUE, NMKEYNOTE SPEAKERS:LINDA MARTÍN ALCOFF (HUNTER COLLEGE, CUNY), STEPHANIE RIVERA BERRUZ (MARQUETTE UNIVERSITY)Submissions are invited for consideration on the program of the 32nd Annual International Simone de Beauvoir Society conference to be held from 21-23 May 2027 at the University of New Mexico in Albuquerque, NM on the traditional homelands of the Pueblo of Sandia. Please submit abstracts (max. 300 words) for 20-minute presentations in English, French, or Spanish for anonymized review to beauvoirconference2027@gmail.com.Submissions should include two separate documents:An anonymized abstract of up to 300 words with title of your contribution and 6 keywords (but no author information or affiliation!). The document should be named: Short title_SdBSC2027_abstract (E.g. Colonialism&Place_SdBSC2027_abstract).A separate document with the title of your contribution and author information, including name, affiliation, short bio (100 words), and contact details. The document should be named: Short title_SdBSC2027_author information (E.g. Colonialism&Place_SdBSC2027_author information).The submission deadline is 1 December 2026. Decisions concerning the selection of participants will be sent out in mid-January 2027. All presenters must be members of the Society by the time of the conference. A virtual attendance option will be available, but in-person attendance is encouraged given the conference theme. Questions, including those about accessibility, should be directed to the conference co-directors: Dana Rognlie (President of the International Simone de Beauvoir Society) at dlrognlie@gmail.com and Ann Murphy (local organizer) at avmurphy@unm.edu.The conference will mark the 80th anniversary of the publication of Ethics of Ambiguity, as well as Beauvoir’s trip to the United States, during which time she documented her journey in America Day by Day. This anniversary serves as an opportunity to consider the problem of coloniality in her work, travels, and reception. Submissions considering Beauvoir’s own participation in or resistance to colonizing perception—especially though not limited to the context of her travels in the American Southwest—are particularly welcome.Beauvoir traveled extensively in New Mexico during her visit to the US. In addition to the regular conference program, we will plan an outing to one or more of the locales that Beauvoir discusses in her writings.
- Deadline: 10 December 2026 SwissRepro 2027 Conference, University of Lausanne, 23 April 2027This conference is the third edition of the annual meeting organized by SwissRepro, the leading research network for reproductive studies in Switzerland. This event will be held on 23 April 2027 at the University of Lausanne and will present current research conducted in Switzerland on reproduction in the social sciences and humanities. Two keynotes will be given by Marcin Smietana, Postdoctoral Fellow (University of Venice) and Affiliated Lecturer (University of Cambridge), whose work focuses on the sociology of reproduction, queer kinship, and reproductive justice, and Corinna Sabrina Guerzoni, Associate Professor (University of Bologna), specializing in the anthropology of reproduction, kinship and reproductive governance.Studies on reproductive health, practices, technologies and rights are a rapidly growing field of research that examines the social, cultural, political, legal, and economic dimensions of reproduction and their intersection with gender, class, race, and sexuality. Until recently, dialogue across linguistic regions in Switzerland has been limited. The overall aim of the conference is to create an opportunity for researchers from different disciplines within the humanities and social sciences and from various linguistic regions to meet, exchange ideas, network, and strengthen social studies of reproduction in Switzerland.Under the title Reproduction in Context(s): Norms, Resources, and Inequalities, this edition will examine the conditions under which reproduction takes place. Reproductive experiences, choices, and constraints are shaped by social norms, by unequal access to material, institutional and symbolic resources, and by the broader contexts in which people live. The conference will explore these conditions through five main lenses:Reproductive justice: the right to have children, not to have children, and to parent in safe and sustainable conditions, and the structural inequalities that shape these possibilities.Gender and sexuality: how sexuality and gender norms, roles and relations shape reproductive experiences, responsibilities and decision-making.Environmental issues: how environmental conditions, climate change and ecological concerns affect reproductive health, knowledge (science), practices, experiences and trajectories.Spirituality and values: how religious and spiritual beliefs, moral values, institutions and practices inform, regulate or contest reproduction.Science and technology: how scientific knowledge and biotechnologies shape reproductive possibilities, practices, and pathways.Contributions addressing the intersections between these lenses, or approaching them from comparative, historical or interdisciplinary perspectives, are particularly welcome.This conference will be an opportunity for Swiss-based researchers to present their latest research project and/or to give a follow-up on the research presented at previous editions.We invite contributions from all researchers (PhD candidates, postdocs, professors, etc.) working on reproduction. Applications are welcome from researchers based at Swiss universities and universities of applied sciences. If you are based abroad but have strong links with Swiss academia (e.g., on academic mobility abroad), please feel free to apply as well.To submit an abstract (250 words), please send it to us by email at SwissRepro2027@unil.ch, including your affiliation and contact details by 10 December 2026. Please also indicate which of the five axes your submission addresses (1-2 max). The presentations will be given in English.If you have any questions, please contact SwissRepro2027@unil.ch.
- Deadline: 15 December 2026 Thus far, engagement with disability has been limited in German speaking political science: people with disabilities and/or chronic illnesses have received little attention in political science analyses and theorizing. This applies, too, to critical engagement with constructions of what supposedly constitutes bodily or intellectual 'normality'. Ableism and sanism as systems of social ordering, and the role of disability as a category of difference and identity have been rarely examined in a systematic manner, especially in a German speaking, political science context. This results in a lack of understanding of its resistance to established conceptions of political action and institutions within (feminist) political science. Yet, in its absence, disability is present – manifesting as the 'Other', as that which is repressed, discarded or even threatening, given the dominant political order and its hegemonic mode of analysis.In this Special Issue, we aim to advance a dialogue between feminist political science and disability studies, including related (sub-)fields such as mad studies, deaf studies, blind studies, queer crip theory and queer crip of colour theory. In this context, disability is understood not as a private matter of individual bodies, but as a politically produced phenomenon. The following thematic areas are of particular interest:Conceptual Work: We welcome contributions that sharpen central concepts of political science and disability studies through critical dialogue. This includes ethical, methodological, and epistemological reflections.What is disability – or what appears as disability– in political science?What do we gain by critically assessing political science concepts in terms of their capacity to account for people with disabilities? How do concepts of citizenship, justice, participation, democracy, and others change when disability and neurodivergence are taken seriously as expressions of human diversity instead of being depoliticized?How can political science's conceptualizations of intersectionality be advanced by integrating insights from disability studies with feminist, queer, trans*, postcolonial and decolonial, and anti-capitalist approaches?Political Theory and History of Political Thought: We invite contributions that critically engage with (naturalized) ability expectations and (subconscious) ability- or capacity-centered assumptions in political theory and intellectual history.How do expectations of ability shape the canon of political theory and the history of political thought?How are constructions of ability embedded in the ‘coloniality of power’?In what ways is disability present/absent in normative conceptions of, for example, political subjectivity, political agency, the capacity for deliberation, self-determination, or democratic competence – as that which is repressed, disruptive of the social order, or even as an explicit criterion of exclusion?Governing of/through Disability: We are interested in contributions addressing the state as a central actor in the (normalizing) regulation of bodies, as well as legal and state regulations of disability.How are state policies concerning e.g. the family, sexuality, and population shaped by ability-centered logics, and how do intersecting forms of inequality become articulated within these domains?How have state-embedded forms of ableism and sanism been historically transformed: within the welfare state, through neoliberal transformations, and in response to the claims and demands of disability rights movements?Diagnoses of the Political Present: In this Special Issue, we are further interested in current political developments, thereby mobilising the dialogue between disability studies and political science in order to analyze the present more comprehensively and accuratelyHow can we better understand the political regulations of disability as an indicator of democratic crisis, rising precarity, and the increasing fascization of social relations?How does the neoliberal dismantling of the welfare state connect to discourses of white masculinization, militarization, resilience, or healthism?How do the authoritarian transformations of border regimes intersect with ability-/capacity-centered biopolitical and necropolitical regimes in contexts of war, forced displacement, and Lager [camps]?Resistance, Movements, and Utopia: Finally, we welcome contributions that deepen feminist political science by exploring and mobilising alternative knowledge systems from disability studies and related movement contexts regarding diverse aspects of life such as embodiment, care, the social, the political, and more.In what ways can we question established forms of political protest and 'the political' through perspectives from disability studies?What are collective strategies against ableist structures, and how can political action be oriented toward collective care and inclusion?How are intersectional alliances built and enacted in disability rights movements and/or crip activism, and how do these intersect with feminist, queer, trans, inter, anti-racist, anti-fascist, and anti-colonial struggles?Where and how do solidarity and allyship, as well as friction and conflict emerge?Abstracts and Contact: Deadline: 30 November 2026The Special Issue will be edited by Mai-Anh Boger, Gundula Ludwig, and Carolin Zieringer. Please submit abstracts of 250–500 words by 30 November 2026 to mboger@uni-koblenz.de and redaktion@femina-politica.de. Femina Politica is an intersectional feminist academic journal committed to promoting scholarly work by women and genderqueer people (e.g., trans*, inter*, non-binary, or gender-nonconforming persons), both within and beyond academia. We welcome high-quality abstracts for this special issue. Given the thematic focus, we particularly encourage submissions from people with disabilities and/or chronic illnesses.Submission Deadlines:The editors invite full manuscripts from selected contributors, with selections made on the basis of submitted abstracts by 15 December 2026. The anonymized manuscripts, ranging from 35,000 to 40,000 characters (including spaces, footnotes and bibliographic references) must be submitted by 15 March 2027.Information regarding authors may be included on the title page only. All submissions will undergo double-blind peer review processes: Each article will receive one external and one internal (editors') review. If the reviewers' assessments differ significantly, a third review may be requested. Feedback from reviewers will be provided no later than 15 May 2027. The final decision regarding the publication of the article is made by the editors on the basis of the reviewers’ reports. Rejections may occur at this stage if both reviews are clearly negative. The deadline for the finalized version of the article is July, 15th, 2027. Please note: These deadlines are not flexible, as they ensure the timely publication of the (print) version.
- Deadline: 15 December 2026 Call for Papers for the Special Issue of the Journal of Cultural Management and Cultural PolicyGuest editors:Mathilde Provansal Ludwig Maximilians University, Munich mathilde.provansal@soziologie.uni-muenchen.deSari Karttunen, Center for Cultural Policy Research Cupore, Helsinki sari.karttunen@cupore.fiThis special issue examines gender inequality and gender-based discrimination and violence in the cultural sector. Across many countries, artistic and cultural higher education has seen growing enrolment across diverse student populations but it has not translated into equal opportunities or working conditions in cultural and artistic labour markets. Individuals across the gender spectrum continue to encounter subtle, informal, and sometimes overt obstacles in artistic and cultural careers. The #MeToo movement brought heightened public and institutional attention to gender-based violence in training institutions and cultural organisations, prompting renewed scrutiny of professional norms and organisational cultures.Gender inequality and gender-based violence in the arts and culture may be sustained by multi-level social mechanisms: institutional routines, organisational cultures, professional norms, gatekeeping practices, evaluation standards, and labour market structures. Despite measures introduced to address structural (equality action plans, training programmes, gender-sensitive funding criteria, internal reporting mechanisms, guidelines for safe work environments, anti-harassment codes of conduct, gender-focused networks, and monitoring tools), academic research remains scattered and often descriptive. Existing work tends to focus on individual institutions, national policy frameworks or specific artistic disciplines. Comparative research across nations and cultural fields is still scarce. Few studies focus on ways to address gender-based violence in the arts and culture. Little is known about how equality and anti-violence measures reshape organisational cultures, professional relations and artistic value systems—or the extent to which they challenge the longstanding structural foundations of gender inequality within cultural labour markets.The proposed special issue aims to explore how gender inequality is confronted in different cultural and artistic fields, how policy ideas travel between contexts, how institutional actors negotiate demands for accountability, and how cultural workers experience transformations currently under way. Contributions that challenge assumptions about the novelty of the post-#MeToo moment are particular welcomed.We invite submissions on themes relating to questions of gender in the arts and culture sector, including but not limited to:Conceptualisations of gender, equality, diversity and equity as they relate to cultural management and cultural policy and tensions that arise between artistic autonomy, equality, and cultural policyInternal policies of artistic training institutions and cultural organizations and measures for responding to gender-based discrimination, harassment, and violenceCurrent debates on gender in the arts and culture sectorRelationships between gender and labour precarity in the arts and culture sectorOrganisational responses to demands for institutional accountability in the wake of increased public scrutiny of gender-based misconduct, as well as leadership responsibilities for safe-work placesWe welcome contributions in the form of traditional research articles, scholarly essays, and case studies. Please consult the submission guidelines for each format at: https://journals.sagepub.com/author-instructions/CUPDeadline for submissions: December 15, 2026The peer-reviewed journal is published twice a year with a thematic section focusing on a special issue. Contributions should be clearly written, well-structured, novel and interesting for our audience. Submit original, unpublished manuscripts to be submitted via manuscriptcentral.
- Deadline: 28 February 2027 Herausgegeben von Brigitte Bargetz, Julia Gruhlich & Bianca Prietl Das Zusammenspiel von Arbeit, Technik und Männlichkeit/en beschäftigt die Geschlechterforschung schon lange. Zunächst eher randständig behandelt, entfaltet es gegenwärtig eine besondere Brisanz: Ob Digitalisierung, (generative) KI und Strukturwandel der Arbeit, Autoritarisierung und Neofaschismus, globale Ungleichheiten und Klimakrise, Antifeminismus, Queer- und Transfeindlichkeit oder Wissenschaftsfeindlichkeit: Sie alle hängen auch mit den wirkmächtigen und zugleich heterogenen, gesellschaftlichen Ordnungen und alltäglichen Praktiken von Arbeit, Technik und Männlichkeit/en zusammen.Ziel des geplanten Sammelbandes ist es, einen engen Fokus auf das Zusammenspiel von Arbeit, Technik und Männlichkeit/en zu legen – mit Blick auf zeitgenössische Phänomene und ‚neue Technologien‘ ebenso wie mit Blick auf bereits etabliert und ‚klassisch‘ anmutende Gegenstände. Im Zentrum steht somit explizit eine Fokussierung der Schnittstellen von Arbeit, Technik und Männlichkeit/en, und nicht deren isolierte Betrachtung. Zugleich werden Arbeit, Technik und Männlichkeit/en aber dezidiert weit verstanden. Unter Arbeit lassen sich entsprechend neben Erwerbsarbeit, auch Care/Reproduktionsarbeit, unentlohnte und freiwillige Arbeit sowie Hobbies/Hobbytätigkeiten fassen, ebenso wie „sexuelle Arbeit“ (Lorenz/Kuster 2007), also Arbeit, die in diesen Tätigkeiten geleistet wird, um eine männliche Identität zu verkörpern. Technik kann neben konkreten technischen Artefakten, auch technisches Know-How und Wissensbestände über Technik, Techniken als spezifische Praktiken oder auch Technologien des Selbst umfassen. Schließlich bildet auch Männlichkeit kein homogenes Phänomen, sondern ist stets aus intersektionalen, post- und dekolonialen sowie queer- und transtheoretischen Perspektiven zu denken. Mit diesen Öffnungen lädt der Sammelband zur Auseinandersetzung mit den folgenden – und weiteren anschlussfähigen – Fragen ein:Gesellschaftliche Ordnungen und materielle VerhältnissePraktiken, Subjektivierungen und IdentitätenÖffnungen, Transformation und BeharrungKonzeptualisierungenDie Herausgebenden freuen sich über Beiträge zu diesen oder weiteren Fragestellungen und Themen, die das Zusammenspiel von Arbeit, Technik und Männlichkeit/en in theoretisch-konzeptioneller und/oder empirischer Form bearbeiten und erschließen.Einreichungen in Form eines Long Abstracts (5.000 – 7.500 Zeichen inkl. Leerzeichen) plus kurzer biographischer Angaben zu allen Autor*innen werden bis zum 28.02.2027 an Brigitte Bargetz brigitte.bargetz@jku.at, Julia Gruhlich julia.gruhlich@uni-goettingen.de und Bianca Prietl bianca.prietl@unibas.ch erbeten. Der Sammelband ist grundsätzlich als deutschsprachiger Beitrag zur Diskussion angelegt; einzelne Beiträge können aber auch in englischer Sprache verfasst sein.Im Rahmen der gemeinsamen Arbeit am Sammelband wird zu einem Online-Autor*innenworkshop zur Diskussion der Beitragsmanuskripte und zu den Verbindungen zwischen diesen eingeladen. Wir bitten alle Einreichenden, sich hierfür den 26. Nov. 2027 vorzumerken.Weiterer Zeitplan28. Feb. 2027 Einreichfrist (Long Abstract + biographische Angaben)April 2027 Zu-/Absagen14. Okt. 2027 Einreichung der Beitragsmanuskripte26. Nov. 2027 Online-Autor*innenworkshopMärz 2028 Abgabe finaler BeiträgeSept. 2028 Endkorrektur und Manuskripteinreichung beim VerlagMärz 2029 Erscheinen/Veröffentlichung
- Deadline: 09 April 2027 Across the globe, nationalist projects are being renewed and intensified, mobilizing “gender” as a central site of social and political struggle. From anti-gender movements and border regimes to racialized citizenship policies and digital surveillance, contemporary nationalisms draw on gender and related intersectional structures to organize political belonging, govern populations, and delineate whose lives are recognized as part of “the nation.” These developments lend a particular urgency to examining thephilosophical stakes of the relationship between “gender” and “nation” today.This special issue of Hypatia: A Journal of Feminist Philosophy invites philosophicalengagements of the topic of “Gender and Nation.” We seek contributions that interrogate how nations are imagined, experienced, constituted, and governed through genderedlogics that shape various forms of exclusion, political subjectivity, citizenship, and national belonging. While broadly soliciting contributions that (re)consider “the nation” alongside “gender,” we also wish to mark the 30th anniversary of Nira Yuval-Davis’ influential book, Gender and Nation. Yuval-Davis’ work has been foundational for studies on gender and nationalisms, and has inspired countless feminist analyses of the idea and lived experience of “the nation.” In the 30 years since the book’s publication, the world has changed in unimaginable ways, with the last decade, in particular, witnessing a resurgence in nationalist fervour that forms part of a global shift to the right. An assessment of and reengagement with “gender and nation” is therefore not only apt, but arguably more pressing than ever, given that such nationalist resurgence has deployed gendered dynamics that are deeply troubling from a feminist perspective. Questioning whether the idea and attendant realisation of “the nation” can ever be straightforwardly adopted by feminists, this special issue also provides an opportunity to highlight past and present feminist resistance to misogyny and sexist policymaking underlying patriarchal nation-building projects. Indeed, there are numerous examples of feminist activism and scholarship challenging nationalism, but also reconfiguring and claiming “the nation” and “nationalism” in progressive terms. Building on the by now large and influential feminist literature on nationalisms, of which Gender and Nation is a stalwart, we invite contributors to take stock of work on “the nation”, and to present new and promising ways of thinking about the theme of gender and nation. To this end, articles might address, without being limited to, the following questions:How are nationalisms and ideas of “the nation” gendered, classed, and racialized (among others)? What mechanisms and structures underlie the intersectional injustices attendant in patriarchal nationalist projects? What types of nationalisms are particularly harmful to marginalized groups?What has been the impact and the enduring legacy of Yuval-Davis’ book Genderand Nation? How does her work align or compare with other feminists doing work on ‘gender and the nation’? How has feminist work on gender and nationalisms developed or shifted in the last 30 years? Are certain philosophical frameworks more suitable for theorising the gendered construction of ‘the nation’ than others? How have or might recent developments in feminist thought (e.g. in affect theory, new materialism, and disability studies, including work by Sara Ahmed and Jasbir Puar) come to bear upon feminist theorisations of the nation? How can and do feminists oppose patriarchal nation-building (across diverse social, geographical, and political contexts)? How have feminists engaged with nationalist movements that resist colonial occupation and/or oppressive state policies? How do diasporas, exiles, and stateless communities reconfigure the idea of nationhood?Can there be a feminist nationalism? What would this look like?What role do the institutions of family, religion, and state play in nationalisms and how are these often understood and imagined in gendered ways? What particular harms and injustices are attributable to patriarchal conceptualisations of the nation and its realisation via gendered policymaking – e.g. what is the relationship between the gendered nation and sexual violence, the denial of reproductive rights, forced institutionalisation, illicit adoption, andcriminalization of marginalized gender/sexual identity (among others)? How have feminists sought to redress such harms?How do contemporary “anti-gender” movements mobilize nationalism, and how have feminists and queer/trans activists resisted these formations?How are nation-building projects reshaped through digital infrastructures—e.g., social media, algorithmic classification, digital citizenship—and how are theseinflected by gender?How have white nationalist movements co-opted feminist language of “women’s liberation” and “progress” to mark racially marginalized groups, particularly Muslim minority communities, as outsiders to the nation? How has such rhetoric been challenged in feminist scholarship?Contributors working in and across various relevant disciplines (e.g. philosophy, gender studies, sociology, literature, politics, and disability studies) are invited to address thesequestions philosophically, and to do so drawing on a range of theoretical frameworks (such as critical race theory, crip theory, queer theory, and postcolonial theory). Wewelcome contributions from diverse social, cultural, and geographical contexts, including those approaching “gender and nation” through decolonial, Indigenous, queer of colour,trans, and Black feminist frameworks.Submissions must be written in English and prepared for anonymous review. We will accept both traditional article submissions (up to 10,000 words long, excluding footnotes and references) and musings (4,000 words including footnotes, but not references). Musings are not merely short research articles; they are often more personal and/or more concerned with current issues than full-fledged academic articles, and they are typically less rooted in particular bodies of literature. However they are approached, Musings should seek to catalyse philosophical reflection on important issues in feminist philosophy. (For examples, please see the recently published Musings on our FirstView pages.) We encourage submissions to be written in a style accessible across relevant disciplines, and with an eye to understanding concrete social and political phenomena. Deadline for submission: 9th April 2027Please submit your original manuscript electronically through the Cambridge University Press online submission and review system ScholarOne. Manuscripts need to be prepared for anonymous review. More information may be found in the Manuscript Preparations Guidelines.For any questions on this special issue, contact the guest editors: Clara Fischer (C.Fischer@qub.ac.uk) and Fulden İbrahimhakkıoğlu (fulden@metu.edu.tr).