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- Scadenza: 15 ottobre 2026 The current debate concerning climate change brings us face to face with issues such as vulnerability and the interrelations between destruction, resilience, and regeneration affecting human beings and nature alike. The situation asks us to call into question the relationship between the human and nature, and to consider a repositioning and decentering of the human. Within this discourse, scholars, musicians, and artists have begun to ask how artistic processes can contribute to these lines of thought and action, as well as how a rethinking of the position of the human can affect our understanding of music and art, as well as the relationship of these to nature.Ecomusicology has especially begun to address these questions. It can be defined from various angles, but can at a basic level be understood as “the study of music, culture, and nature in all the complexities of those terms…that considers musical and sonic issues, both textual and performative related to ecology and the natural environment (Aaron S. Allen, 2014). Concerns in intersectional “ecofeminism” suggest a productive overlap with this field of study, especially in the sense that ecofeminism takes the “position that there are important connections between how one treats women, people of color, and the underclass on the one hand and how one treats the nonhuman natural environment on the other” (Karen J. Warren, 2000).This conference seeks to broaden both areas of study while bringing them together. What relationships between music, aesthetic reflection, and artistic practice emerge from thinking about ecomusicology and gender studies together? More specific questions could be, but are not limited to:In what ways do gender, music, sound and nature relate to one another?How might we look anew at historical concept of natures in music and art—such as nature as a place longed after, a place for living, and a threatening force—given new perspectives in ecomusicology and ecofeminism?How might space-specific compositions and sound art incorporate gender aspects in relationship to nature? What new methods, techniques, and forms of expression emerge from these practices? How do diverse perspectives on nature, corporeality, and gender play a role here? How does nature’s own agency affect our understanding of creativity, authorship, and compositional practices in these cases?The question of a repositioning or decentering of the human can initiate major changes in ontological thinking. To what extent is musical thinking affected by these debates, and what artistic results and challenges open up through these changes?What connections are there between posthuman feminism, ecofeminism, and ecomusicology? To what extent do current approaches in women’s and gender studies consider ecomusicological perspectives?Please send your paper title, abstract (max. 300 words) and short biography (max. 150 words) until October 15, 2026 to the following email address: christa.bruestle@kug.ac.at We will inform candidates of our selection decision by end of November 2026. The languages of the conference are German and English. Talks will be limited to 25 min and 10 min for discussion. We plan a publication of the papers.
- Scadenza: 18 ottobre 2026 (Sonderheft 7)Analysen zum Zustand der liberalen repräsentativen Demokratie diagnostizieren seit längerem eine tiefgreifende Krise. Spätestens seit dem unübersehbaren Aufstieg rechts-autorit
- Scadenza: 19 ottobre 2026 This issue of Exchanges aims to create a collective space for discussion and reflection on the precarious working conditions that have made careers in HE both less linear and less secure. By engaging with the lived experiences and realities of those navigating this increasingly precarious landscape, we hope to provide a space to articulate the structural, professional, and emotional dimensions of precarious career paths, especially for ECRs. Issue editors wish to highlight voices that often go unheard, including those in short-term, hybrid, or interdisciplinary roles as well as those who have moved, or are considering moving, to careers beyond academia. Our goal is to explore not just the frustrations related to precarity but also responses and potential solutions: We invite researchers and practitioners with lived experiences and interest in precarity in HE to weigh in on how this crisis might be best addressed at the institutional, social, and political levels.By bringing together both data-driven and more qualitative, reflective contributions, this issue will encourage critical discussion of how precarity is created, experienced, and managed across different contexts. It seeks not only to document the challenges faced by employees at various career stages, but also to explore coping strategies, strategies for success, forms of solidarity, and opportunities to support more sustainable and rewarding academic or alternative careers.Suggested TopicsContributions may engage with, but are not limited to, the following interrelated themes: Community responses to precarity, including mentoring, peer support, networking, and other forms of collective action The emotional and relational impacts of precarious careers in HE, including issues of mental health, wellbeing, belonging, and professional identityThe role of digital technologies, performance metrics, and evaluation systems in shaping work practices, expectations, and experiences of precarity in HEThe influence of policy, governance, and institutional practices on employment conditions, job security, and efforts to address precarity in HEEarly-career, mid-career, or senior academics’ experiences of hybrid, non-linear, and alternative career pathways within and beyond academia.Submission TypesAccepted submissions will fall into one of three broad categories: 1) Original research articles (4,000-8,000 words, subject to peer reviewQualitative or data-driven studies that examine precarity in contemporary HE, including its impact on academic and professional work, identity, and career development and pathwayCase studies of initiatives that seek to address precarity, including programmes and practices that support hybrid careers and alternative career pathways 2) Critical Reflections (1,000-4,000 words)First-person, research-supported reflective accounts of navigating precarity across different career paths, including hybrid careers and transitions within, across, and beyond academia.Policy commentaries that critically examine how governance, funding schemes, employment practices, and wider sector developments shape experiences of HE precarity 3) Conversations (1,000-4,000 words)Interviews with researchers, educators, administrators and other relevant stakeholders that explore experiences of precarity in HE.Submission GuidelinesTo be considered as a contributor to the issue, please submit an abstract of up to 250 words, including your name and institutional affiliation, by Monday, 19 October 2026, at the following link: Expressions of Interest: Navigating Precarity in Higher Education.Once invited to submit a full paper, you can do so via Exchanges online submissions portal. The portal will open approximately a month before the submission deadline.Please be sure to refer to the Exchanges submissions and author guidelines before submitting. You should also include a note signifying the submission is for the ‘Precarity in HE’ issue when prompted.
- Scadenza: 25 ottobre 2026 As part of the swissuniversities project "Transforming Educational Spaces: Addressing Racism, Anchoring Intersectionality," the accompanying publication Missing Chapters will appear in March 2027. The volume brings together diverse perspectives on higher education institutions as racialized spaces, aiming to make visible a range of voices, forms of knowledge, and modes of expression. For selected chapters, we therefore invite public submissions of contributions.So far, the following thematic structure has emerged:Preface – Why This Book?The editors situate the publication within its context of emergence and its aims.Remembering – On What Basis Is This Book Built?Historical and societal contexts of the publication: Swiss postcoloniality, politics of memory, and continuities of colonial entanglements.Arriving – Who (Does Not) Belong?Questions of inclusion and exclusion: who is (in)visible within higher education, and under what conditions?Learning – Who Produces Knowledge?Racism in higher education in its institutional, structural, and violent dimensions. The focus lies on questions of language, power, responsibility, and solidary knowledge production.Enduring – What Do We Carry?Emotional, social, and material burdens within the higher education context, particularly for racialized individuals: mental load, precarity, multiple burdens, classism, and the ambivalences of visibility and emotion.Empowering – Where Does Agency Lie?Forms of resistance, community-building, solidarity, and allyship, as well as practices of agency among those affected.Envisioning – What Has Yet to Be Written?Future perspectives: utopias, visions of belonging, and concrete transformations, as well as new forms of (artificial) knowledge production.Conclusion – (Still) Missing ChaptersThe project team's reflection on perspectives, voices, and gaps that remain missing from the publication.We welcome contributions to all thematic chapters (excluding the preface and conclusion) — in poetic, artistic, literary, and experimental formats. Equally welcome are visual, documentary, and hybrid works, including photography, illustration, comics, collage, visual essays, archival and conversational formats, mapping and data visualizations, as well as performative or audiovisual contributions, provided they can be appropriately documented or prepared for the book publication. The aim is to bring diverse forms of knowledge into an open, transdisciplinary dialogue. The editorial team reserves the right to decide on the publication of contributions.RequirementsSubmission deadline: October 25, 2026, 11:59 PMSubmissions to be sent by email to: anina.mathivannan@unibe.ch
- Scadenza: 01 novembre 2026 Currently, we are witnessing a dramatic shift to the far-/alt-right and neo-conservatism, and an increasing popularity for illiberalism across diverse policy contexts across the globe. As a consequence of this development, the academic study of gender has been banned in some countries, such as Hungary, and in others – notably the US and the UK – state agencies and courts have taken the decision to define gender as an immutable male-female binary determined by sex assigned at birth. Yet, the implications of these developments are broader and more far-reaching. Anti-gender discourses have gained increasing prominence across multiple global contexts and are increasingly recognized as entry points to far-right political ideologies. Embedded in policy proposals, these discourses also target women’s and gender studies as an academic field including feminist, queer, trans, antiracist and post-colonial scholars. Against this backdrop, this special issue of the European Journal of Women’s Studies opens a space for critical reflection on the alarming contemporary conditions of women’s and gender studies and the political imaginaries informing academic cultures. We seek to explore how recent and ongoing transformations in scientific and governmental policy have affected scholarly practice, academic cultures and learning and teaching experiences, as well as how these changes have shaped the position and status of women’s/gender studies in academia. As guest co-editors, we followed a long trajectory in taking these questions seriously. Ten years ago, in 2016, we published a special issue on women’s and gender studies and changes in academic cultures, in light of the far-reaching transformations taking place in higher education and scientific policy as a result of new public management. For us, it was important to critically explore how neoliberal transformations affected both academic feminism and feminist academics. While analysing the new power dynamics in the neoliberal universities, those discussions also pointed out that women’s and gender studies as a field had sometimes benefited from the neoliberalisation of higher education in complex and ambiguous ways. Since that analysis, however, anti-gender discourses have gained increasing attention and have in diverse ways come to shape the conditions under which women’s/gender studies are conducted. We invite women’s and gender studies scholars to bring feminist, queer, trans, anti-racist and decolonial studies perspectives to bear on a pressing question: how can we understand the contemporary neoliberal condition in its novel guises, as it has become more or less closely interwoven with populist authoritarianism in diverse locations across the globe? Women’s and gender studies scholars in many locations can still take strategic advantage of neoliberalism to gain visibility, funding and recognition – for example through international collaborations and forms of societal engagement. However, a new mode of neoliberal efficiency is increasingly being used to legitimise cuts and closures of gender studies departments. This shift both affects the conditions in which we produce knowledge and the questions that we can ask from critical feminist perspectives. In grappling with this complex shift, we ask: What differences and commonalities characterize the current conditions of women’s and gender studies across diverse contexts? What epistemological, political and ethical questions are raised by these ongoing transformations? How does the global rise of the far-right shape academic governance, and how does it intersect with the neoliberal paradigm of productivity? To what extent do these developments shed new light on longstanding debates within women’s and gender studies – for example concerning the relationship between knowledge and politics, or the possibilities and challenges generated by the institutionalisation of feminism? Today, women’s and gender studies increasingly find themselves at the centre of broader anti-gender and authoritarian political projects in many parts of the world. These developments are transnational in scope but interact with local configurations of institutions, practices and actors in complex ways, posing significant analytical and political challenges. Yet, there remains a lack of research that explores the changing conditions of women’s and gender studies scholarship across local, regional and transnational contexts. We know even less about the variations, overlaps and tensions that characterise these dynamics in diverse international settings. In light of these transformations, we invite scholars to revisit discussions of the “neoliberal academy” in relation to contemporary anti-gender politics and explore the following, as well as other, themes:Transformation of academic labour and knowledge production under conditions of rising far-/alt-right influence and governanceNegotiations, strategies and complicities of feminist scholars under increasing anti-genderismConceptualisation of the contemporary forms of anti-gender politics under women’s and gender studies especially through concepts such as illiberalism, authoritarianism, authoritarian neoliberalism, fascism, and neo-fascismEpistemic, political, and ethical issues raised by the rise of anti-feminism and anti-genderism and its relationship to neoliberal emphasis on productivity, impact, and income generation; including of the university governance’s emphasis on: neoliberal “buzzwords” such as excellence, interdisciplinarity, flexibility, competition, and internationalisation mechanisms of ranking and rating, structures of auditing and quality control, and logics of individualisation and metricisation, the recognition of expertise and academic authority Illiberalism in higher education and governmental policy on the institutionalisation of women’s and gender studies We invite abstracts of 150-200 words. Abstracts should be sent to all three special issue editors: demet.gulcicek.1@warwick.ac.uk; sabine.grenz@univie.ac.at; mia.liinason@genus.lu.se Deadline for abstracts: 1 Nov, 2026 Deadline for articles: 31 March, 2027 Expected publication date: May/June 2028 All articles will be subject to the regular review process organized by the journal. Article length must be between 6,000 and 7,000 inclusive of bibliography, notes etc. and should not have been published previously.Contact details for special issue editors:Assist. Prof. Demet Gülçiçek, Honorary Researcher, Department of Gender Studies, University of Warwick, UK & Department of Sociology, Munzur University, Turkey, demet.gulcicek.1@warwick.ac.ukAssoc.Prof. Sabine Grenz, Research unit for interdisciplinary Gender Studies/Department of Education, University of Vienna, Austria, sabine.grenz@univie.ac.atProfessor Mia Liinason, Division of Gender Studies, Lund University, Sweden, mia.liinason@genus.lu.se
- Scadenza: 01 novembre 2026 Appel à contribution pour le numéro 99 de la revue Lien social et PolitiquesPublication au printemps 2028Sous la direction d'Alexandra Ana (Université de Montréal), Ilana Eloit (Université de Genève), Ahmed Hamila (Université de Montréal) et David Paternotte (Université libre de Bruxelles)Le militantisme transnational LGBTQI+ n’est pas neuf et on en retrouve de nombreux exemples à travers l’histoire récente (Belmonte, 2021). Le mot « homosexuel » lui-même serait né en 1868 sous la plume du militant hongrois Kertbeny, alors installé à Berlin, dans un échange épistolaire avec l’avocat Ullrichs au sujet du Code pénal prussien (Hekma, 2015). Un peu plus tard, le médecin allemand Magnus Hirschfeld, pionnier de la sexologie, a également posé les bases d’organisations transnationales structurées à travers la Ligue mondiale pour la réforme sexuelle et surtout le Comité scientifique-humanitaire, qui a notamment essaimé aux Pays-Bas (Tamagne, 2000 ; Mancini, 2010 ; Marhoefer, 2022). C’est dans ce pays que le militantisme homosexuel transnational renaît après la seconde guerre mondiale avec la fondation de l’International Committee for Sexual Equality (Rupp, 2011 ; Jackson, 2014), avant la création de l’International Gay (and Lesbian) Association en 1978 à Coventry. Cette organisation mondiale a rapidement été déclinée en fédération régionale, dont ILGA-Europe — née en 1996 — est la plus institutionnalisée (Ayoub et Paternotte, 2014, 2016). Dans une perspective différente, des tensions de genre et une attention particulière aux enjeux féministes et à l’autonomie politique lesbienne ont conduit à la fondation de l’International Lesbian Information Service (ILIS) au début des années 1980 (Wilson, 2022). Beaucoup plus récemment, la fédération Égides a été fondée en 2019 à Montréal avec l’appui du gouvernement du Québec comme une alliance internationale visant à rassembler les organisations LGBTQI+ francophones (Hamila et Alameddine, 2026).Malgré des évolutions notables dans les façons de comprendre et de penser la diversité en matière de genre et de sexualité, il existe donc une histoire longue des mobilisations transnationales LGBTQI+, qui se sont progressivement étendues à l’ensemble de la planète (Kollman et Waites 2009 ; Broqua et coll., 2016). Au-delà d’une volonté de rompre un certain isolement, les raisons sont nombreuses : échange d’idées et de bonnes pratiques, élaboration et consolidation d’une identité commune, soutien à des groupes et des organisations balbutiantes, volonté de peser dans les organisations internationales, etc. Souvent, derrière ces objectifs, les idées d’appartenance et de solidarité jouent un rôle important. À travers le monde, des personnes ressentent des formes de ressemblance, qui les poussent à se lire comme faisant partie d’un même collectif et les incitent à vouloir échanger et travailler ensemble.En même temps, ces mobilisations présentent de grandes différences et ont évolué à travers le temps. Elles ne reposent pas sur les mêmes bases identitaires et se sont profondément complexifiées, notamment à l’aune de débats et conflits parfois violents (Massad, 2007 ; Waites, 2009). Ce numéro thématique essaie de comprendre l’actualité de ces luttes à partir de la notion de solidarité transnationale et souhaite explorer comment se présente et fonctionne le militantisme LGBTQI+ transnational aujourd’hui. Il nous semble en effet que nous traversons un moment particulièrement fécond, qui invite à repenser certains des travaux produits au cours des deux dernières décennies. D’une part, on note une expansion sans précédent du militantisme LGBTQI+ à l’échelle du globe, favorisé par des formes de circulation accrues elles-mêmes propulsées par le développement d’internet et des réseaux sociaux (Khan et Hussain, 2025). Ainsi, malgré des formes de pénalisation et de répression parfois sévères, peu de pays ne connaissent pas de tels groupes ou collectifs aujourd’hui. En même temps, les identités sur lesquelles reposent ces luttes sont plus nombreuses et plus diversifiées, ce qui pose la question des fondations du collectif et de comment faire groupe tout en respectant les spécificités et la diversité internes. D’autre part, on enregistre un renouvellement des formes d’opposition et de répression consécutif au développement des campagnes anti-genre (Liu et coll., 2024). Celles-ci ne relèvent pas uniquement de la société civile, mais peuvent alimenter des projets gouvernementaux, voire découler avant tout de ceux-ci. Ce contexte fait peser de nouvelles contraintes sur cet essor militant et peut générer des divisions et des tensions internes, comme l’illustrent le ralliement de certains gays à des partis d’extrême droite (Lockhart, 2023) ou le soutien de quelques lesbiennes aux luttes anti-trans (Worthen, 2022). Ces contraintes sont par ailleurs renforcées par un intérêt décroissant pour les droits humains en politique internationale et une réduction de la coopération internationale, y compris de la part de régimes démocratiques.Tout ceci crée un environnement différent qu’il nous paraît essentiel d’interroger. Si les solidarités transnationales LGBTQI+ se sont historiquement construites autour de sentiments d’appartenance, d’expériences partagées de marginalisation ou encore d’objectifs politiques communs, les bases mêmes de ces solidarités apparaissent aujourd’hui plus complexes et plus disputées (Çağatay et coll., 2022 ; Bhardwaj, 2024). Les catégories identitaires qui ont longtemps structuré les mobilisations — homosexuel, gai, lesbienne, puis LGBT — se sont progressivement transformées, élargies et diversifiées. À l’échelle internationale, l’émergence et la circulation de nouvelles catégories institutionnelles (SOGI, SOGIESC, etc.) ou socio-politiques (queer, non-binaires, etc.) témoignent d’une extension du vocabulaire politique, mais aussi de débats sur les manières de nommer, représenter et organiser les luttes. Ces transformations ne relèvent pas uniquement d’une évolution lexicale : elles renvoient à des tensions plus profondes autour des frontières du collectif, des hiérarchies internes, des formes de visibilité et des rapports de pouvoir qui traversent les espaces militants nationaux comme transnationaux.Ces tensions prennent place dans un contexte marqué par l’intensification des circulations transnationales associées à la mondialisation. La multiplication des migrations, des espaces internationaux, des conférences, des réseaux de plaidoyer ainsi que des dispositifs de financement a favorisé des rencontres inédites entre acteur·ices situés dans des contextes nationaux variés (Thoreson, 2014 ; Ayoub et Bauman, 2019). Dans le même temps, cette intensification des circulations soulève d’importantes questions : que signifie aujourd’hui faire groupe à partir d’expériences sociales, historiques et géopolitiques profondément hétérogènes ? Comment construire des solidarités dans un contexte traversé par des rapports de pouvoir liés à la race, au genre, à la classe, à la religion, à la langue ou encore aux héritages coloniaux ?Les transformations technologiques constituent un autre élément central de cette recomposition. Le développement d’internet, des médias sociaux et des outils numériques a profondément modifié les conditions de production des solidarités transnationales (Pain, 2024). Ces technologies facilitent des formes de circulation rapide des idées, des répertoires d’action, des catégories identitaires et des savoirs militants, tout en permettant l’émergence d’espaces communautaires qui dépassent les frontières nationales. Elles jouent également un rôle central dans la mise en visibilité de violences, dans la diffusion d’appels à la mobilisation ou encore dans la construction de campagnes transnationales (Schmitz et coll., 2022). Mais elles participent aussi à l’accélération des conflits, à la polarisation des débats internes et à l’émergence de nouvelles hiérarchies de visibilité.Enfin, face à l’intensification des campagnes anti-genre et antiwokistes, au rétrécissement de l’espace civique et à la montée de projets politiques autoritaires, les mobilisations LGBTQI+ semblent de plus en plus s’inscrire dans des dynamiques de convergence des luttes et de coalition (Broad, 2024). Les frontières entre causes apparaissent plus poreuses qu’auparavant : les enjeux LGBTQI+ s’articulent désormais plus explicitement aux luttes antiracistes, féministes, décoloniales, autochtones, écologistes ou encore aux mobilisations contre les politiques migratoires restrictives et les inégalités sociales dans certains contextes, comme au Québec (Enriquez, 2024, Chbat, 2026). Ces rapprochements soulèvent néanmoins plusieurs questions : sur quelles bases les coalitions se construisent-elles ? Quelles solidarités produisent-elles ? Et comment composent-elles avec des intérêts, des priorités ou des positionnements parfois divergents ?Axe 1 : Pouvoir et visibilité dans les solidarités transnationalesComment les solidarités transnationales LGBTQI+ sont-elles traversées par des asymétries de pouvoir, des hiérarchies de légitimité, et des inégalités d’accès à la visibilité, aux espaces décisionnels ainsi qu’aux financements ? Cet axe propose d’interroger à la fois les rapports de pouvoir Nord/Sud hérités de la colonisation et les tensions internes aux mouvements — notamment les hiérarchies de genre, de race, de religion, de classe, de sexualité ou de langue — afin d’analyser comment ces asymétries façonnent la hiérarchisation des causes, les cadres discursifs, les identités mobilisées et les modes de gouvernance dans les espaces transnationaux (Chetaille, 2013 ; Farmer, 2020 ; Rao, 2020). Une attention particulière sera également portée aux résistances militantes, épistémiques et institutionnelles à la reproduction de ces logiques de domination.Il s’agira par exemple d’analyser comment les solidarités transnationales redéfinissent les frontières des luttes LGBTQI+ en les articulant à d’autres combats, tout en renforçant l’autonomie des acteur·ices, la reconnaissance des savoirs locaux et la redistribution du pouvoir. Comment comprendre aujourd’hui les alliances avec d’autres mouvements sociaux, au-delà de l’idée d’alliances « naturelles » ou de coalitions purement stratégiques et ponctuelles ? Comment les coalitions et les mobilisations situées à l’intersection de différents régimes d’oppression parviennent-elles à contester ou à rééquilibrer ces asymétries de pouvoir ? Comment l’(in)visibilité différenciée des corps façonne-t-elle les possibilités de participation, de représentation et de mobilisation ? Cet axe invite ainsi à réfléchir aux tensions entre universalisation des droits, des discours et des identités et ancrages localisés des luttes et des savoirs ; entre circulations globales des identités et résistances locales ; ou encore entre dynamiques transnationales de mobilisation, notamment dans la construction de coalitions plus larges, et hiérarchies internes aux mouvements.Axe 2 : Formes d’organisations et répertoires d’actionLes mobilisations transnationales LGBTQI+ se sont progressivement institutionnalisées à travers des organisations internationales, des réseaux militants et des dispositifs de plaidoyer qui ont contribué à inscrire les enjeux liés à l’orientation sexuelle et à l’identité de genre dans les débats publics et les arènes internationales (Thoreson, 2014 ; Paternotte et Seckinelgin, 2015 ; Ayoub, 2016). Ces transformations ont favorisé l’émergence de nouvelles formes d’organisation, marquées par l’ONGisation de certains mouvements et une professionnalisation accrue des acteur·ices qui les composent, le développement d’expertises spécialisées et une diversification des répertoires d’action (Paternotte, 2016). Elles ont également suscité des critiques relatives à une dépolitisation des luttes, une dépendance excessive aux logiques de financement, diverses formes de cooptation ou encore la production d’une certaine démobilisation (Ana, 2024). En même temps, certains acteur·ices ont fait le choix de refuser l’institutionnalisation au profit d’un ancrage au sein de communautés de base, tant au niveau national que transnational, et des crises économiques successives combinées à un virage autoritaire dans de nombreux pays ont fragilisé l’institutionnalisation des luttes LGBTQI+. Enfin, le développement du cyberespace a profondément restructuré les formes contemporaines de mobilisation, y compris au sein du monde LGBTQI+.À la lumière de ces transformations, cet axe interroge les formes contemporaines de la mobilisation. Les tactiques d’action institutionnalisées, autrefois critiquées comme signes de dépolitisation, sont-elles aujourd’hui revalorisées dans un contexte de rétrécissement de l’espace civique et de concurrence accrue avec des acteur·ices conservateurs ? Ou bien les formes protestataires — manifestations, occupations de l’espace public, participation à des luttes sociales plus larges — sont-elles privilégiées comme moyens de contester la fragmentation des luttes héritée des dernières décennies ? Enfin, quelles formes d’organisation apparaissent possibles dans un contexte marqué par la précarisation, la fragmentation des financements et la dépendance croissante à l’égard des ressources institutionnelles ? Comment la répression façonne-t-elle les rapports de solidarité, les dynamiques coalitionnelles et les conditions de la mobilisation ?Axe 3 : Objets, causes et terrains de mobilisationSur quoi se mobilise-t-on ? Cette question a priori sans enjeux appelle en réalité une réponse relativement compliquée, qui recoupe celles des objectifs des mobilisations et des manières de se mobiliser. On associe souvent ces luttes à des objectifs politiques : freiner ou contester une loi, dénoncer la répression ou encore peser dans les instances internationales. À tous ces niveaux, la mobilisation transnationale apparait souvent comme un levier et une façon de renforcer l’action d’acteur·ices locaux. En même temps, un certain nombre d’initiatives récentes ont montré les dangers de mobilisations transnationales quand elles ne sont pas ancrées dans les réalités locales, en interaction étroites avec les acteur·ices de terrain.Il est toutefois possible de poursuivre des fins politiques par des fins détournées, il convient d’ouvrir la définition de ce qui compte comme politique et il est possible de se mobiliser pour d’autres raisons. Ainsi, de nombreuses actions militantes ont d’abord visé à construire, consolider et faire exister des identités et des savoirs, en particulier quand ceux-ci renvoient à des groupes peu nombreux et minorisés, qui peuvent trouver dans la transnationalisation des ressources qui ne sont pas toujours disponibles dans leur contexte d’origine. Ensuite, il convient, à la lumière des mobilisations féministes et LGBTQI+ de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, de ne pas restreindre le périmètre de ce qui est considéré comme politique. Cela porte à la fois sur le contenu des luttes et sur leurs destinataires. En effet, nombre de combats LGBTQI+ ont avant tout porté sur une certaine politisation de l’intime et du privé : formes relationnelles, violences, échanges sexuels, possibilités d’être soi, etc. De même, ces combats ne visent pas uniquement l’État, incarnation du politique dans de nombreuses sociétés, mais aussi les acteur·ices religieux, médicaux ou sanitaires (Eboko et coll., 2011 ; Gallardo, 2016 ; Seckinelgin, 2017), certaines entreprises, etc. Enfin, en particulier dans des contextes répressifs ou autoritaires, l’expression politique peut prendre des formes détournées moins susceptibles d’attirer les foudres des gouvernants, par exemple à travers l’art et l’artivisme (Elefteriadis, 2014 ; Minillo, 2025) Ce numéro souhaite donc ouvrir le spectre des mobilisations transnationales étudiées, en incluant par exemple des initiatives culturelles, religieuses, festives ou sportives.Axe 4 : Transnationalisation des résistances LGBTQI+Les oppositions aux mobilisations et revendications LGBTQI+ ne sont pas neuves et ont contribué à de nombreuses reprises à restreindre les droits et libertés des personnes concernées. Il semble toutefois que nous traversions une nouvelle période de rétrécissement et de répression, qui succède à une phase d’ouvertures et d’avancées aux niveaux tant national qu’international. Ces oppositions rencontrent toutefois des mouvements LGBTQI+ plus structurés et plus développés, ce qui construit un environnement inédit. Cependant, la résistance est également façonnée par d’autres formes de pouvoir hégémonique ayant structuré l’ordre géopolitique mondial, notamment le capitalisme, l’impérialisme, le colonialisme et le postcolonialisme. Dans cette perspective, la transnationalisation des résistances ouvre la possibilité d’interroger plus directement les logiques néocoloniales qui ont pu structurer les solidarités LGBTQI+ en remettant en question l’idée selon laquelle des activistes issus de pays considérés comme plus avancés en matière de droits LGBTQI+ soutiendraient des militant·es évoluant dans des contextes marqués par des gouvernements homophobes et misogynes (Çağatay et coll., 2022). Plus récemment, la transnationalisation des résistances LGBTQI+ est également façonnée par la structuration transnationale des mouvements anti-genre en tant que contre-mouvements, lesquels favorisent la circulation transfrontalière des savoirs, des stratégies et des ressources financières, phénomène illustré par la métaphore de la « double hélice » (Ayoub et Stoeckl, 2024). Ces résistances ne sont pas exclusivement extérieures aux mouvements LGBTQI+, certaines organisations gaies et lesbiennes ayant rejoint l’offensive anti-trans et anti-genre, ce qui repose en des termes renouvelés la question des hiérarchies et des lignes de fracture internes.Cet axe vise ainsi à comprendre le renouvellement des formes de résistances LGBTQI+ à ces diverses offensives conservatrices et à interroger la transnationalisation des résistances LGBTQI+, ses spécificités ainsi que ses imbrications avec des formes de pouvoir se déployant à l’échelle globale. Quel rôle jouent les solidarités transnationales dans la transnationalisation des résistances LGBTQI+ ? Quelles formes prennent ces résistances ? Quelles formes de pouvoir sont reproduites à travers la transnationalisation des résistances ? Et comment les activistes négocient-iels les tensions inhérentes au nexus résistance-pouvoir ?Axe 5 : Héritages historiques, mémoires et transmissionsLes solidarités transnationales LGBTQI+ contemporaines s’inscrivent dans une histoire longue, faite de circulations, de continuités, de ruptures et de réappropriations successives. À rebours d’une lecture présentant la transnationalisation des mobilisations comme un phénomène récent, cet axe invite à replacer les solidarités LGBTQI+ dans une généalogie plus large, marquée par l’émergence de réseaux militants, d’organisations internationales, de rencontres transnationales et de formes diverses d’internationalisme. Ces histoires demeurent toutefois fragmentées, inégalement documentées et parfois marginalisées dans les récits dominants des mouvements sociaux.Cet axe propose d’examiner la manière dont les héritages militants circulent, se transforment et se réactivent dans le présent. Une attention particulière pourra être portée aux formes de transmission intergénérationnelle, aux mémoires collectives, aux archives LGBTQI+ ainsi qu’aux continuités et ruptures entre mobilisations passées et contemporaines. Comment certains héritages sont-ils préservés tandis que d’autres sont oubliés ? Quels processus politiques, institutionnels ou épistémiques contribuent à rendre visibles certaines histoires et à en invisibiliser d’autres ? Comment penser l’historicité des solidarités transnationales au-delà des récits linéaires du progrès ?***Quel que soit l’axe privilégié, les articles attendus reposeront sur les résultats de travaux empiriques en lien avec la thématique du numéro. Ils pourront aussi prendre la forme de contributions aux débats théoriques et méthodologiques. La revue ne publie que des textes inédits. Les auteur∙ices sont tenu∙es d’aviser la rédaction de tout projet de publication concurrent.Les auteur∙ices sont invité∙es à envoyer une proposition de contribution (1 à 2 pages, environ 6'000 signes), en précisant leur affiliation universitaire, avant le 1er novembre 2026, aux responsables du numéro : Alexandra Ana (alexandra.ana@umontreal.ca), Ilana Eloit (ilana.eloit@unige.ch), Ahmed Hamila (ahmed.hamila@umontreal.ca), David Paternotte (david.paternotte@ulb.be). Celles et ceux dont la proposition aura été retenue par le comité de rédaction seront invité∙es à soumettre un article complet pour le 15 mars 2027. La parution du numéro thématique est prévue pour le printemps 2028.
- Scadenza: 09 novembre 2026 University of Geneva, June 17-18, 2027Deadline for proposals: November 9, 2026Since the struggles for reproductive health that marked the 1970s the feminist movements, the visual arts have played a crucial role in establishing a new visual vocabulary to rethink the connection between health, gender, and sexuality. Visual culture is paramount in the context of a reconfiguration of knowledge, practices, and representations surrounding sexual health driven by feminist, queer, and intersectional liberation movements.The visualization of bodies within a medical context has historically been the site for the construction of knowledge based on objectification and the fiction of a neutral gaze. As Donna Haraway has pointed out, as conceived by modern science, the act of looking produces asymmetrical relationships, in which the object of the gaze is presented as transparent and penetrable. On the contrary visual practices emanating from feminist movements have approached representations as part of a struggle for autonomy, thereby enabling to conceptualize the image and the gaze from the perspective of self-determination. Taking its title from Griselda Pollock’s eponymous text, this conference aims to examine the production of a feminist “counter-visuality” of female bodies and sexualities. While the language of medical objectivity is being reconfigured through a re-examination of the distance separating the subject and the object of knowledge, the assertion of a right to pleasure provides the foundation for a new exploration of female sexuality, in line with the most radical positions of feminism in the 1960s and 1970s.This conference is dedicated to examining the intersection of visual culture, artistic creation, and sexual health from the 1970s to the present day through an intersectional feminist lens. It aims to explore the female body not only in its material dimension but also in terms of its representations and is grounded in an inclusive conception of femininity encompassing cis and trans women.Proposals for papers in the fields of art history and photography, curatorial studies, film history, and visual culture may address—though are not limited to—one of the following thematic areas:Representing the reproductive body: menstruation, abortion, pregnancy, childbirth.Intersectional perspectives on sexual health in art and visual culture: class, gender, race, and sexuality.Self-help practices and activist counter-visualities.Intersex bodies between medicalization, image, and the archive.Trans perspectives and critiques of heteronormativity.Sexual well-being and politics of care in contemporary art.Sex work and women’s health in visual culture.Representing sexual autonomy: from anatomy to pleasure.Transnational circulations: visual productions, sexuality, and health.Aging female bodies in Art and Visual Culture.Proposals in french or english for 20-minutes papers (including a title and an abstract of 200–300 words, and a short bio max 150 words) should be submitted by November 9, 2026, to the following address: celia.honore@unige.chOrganizing CommitteeGiovanna Zapperi, Université de GenèveCélia Honoré, Université de GenèveScientific CommitteeIlana Eloit (Université de Genève), Alessandra Gissi (Università di Napoli L’Orientale), Célia Honoré (Université de Genève), Elvan Zabunyan (Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne), Giovanna Zapperi (Université de Genève)This conference is organized in the framework of the research project “Visions of Sex” funded by the Centre Maurice Chalumeau en Sciences des Sexualités, University of Geneva.
- Scadenza: 15 novembre 2026 This edited volume, for which Palgrave Macmillan has expressed initial interest, examines how sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) are contested, asserted, and (re)imagined across contemporary political, social, technological, and transnational landscapes. Moving beyond conventional public health framings, it engages political-sociological and interdisciplinary discourses to conceptualize Sexual and Reproductive Politics (SRP). The volume documents how political regimes, institutions, movements, civil society actors, and emerging technologies (re)shape SRHR discourse and praxis, enabling or constraining rights and justice.How do contemporary events (armed conflicts; forced migrations; climate change; COVID-19 pandemic; resurgent conservative/ authoritarian/ religious regimes; misinformation; and exclusionary techno-digital SRHR initiatives), (re)shape SRHR? How do socio-political movements, institutional endeavours, transnational processes, menstrual rights recognition, LGBTIQA+ organisations, and civil society interventions, (re) imagine SRHR praxis? In what ways are marginalized groups disproportionately affected? What methodologies efficiently capture the complexities of SRHR justice? These are some questions chapters are invited to ponder upon.This volume consists of the following parts:Part I. Understanding Concepts and Methodological Foundations in Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR)Approaches to Studying SRHRBiopolitics, Bioethics and the Governed BodiesDecolonial Approaches to Sexual and Reproductive Rights and Governance.Intersectionality as Method: Caste, Class, Race, Indigeneity, Gender (Identity), Sexuality and others in SRHRFrom "Health" to "Politics": Repositioning SRHR within Sexual and Reproductive PoliticsOthersPart II: Political Regimes, Institutions and Governance in SRHR Discourse and PraxisAuthoritarianism, Religious Conservatism and the Rollback of Reproductive RightsPopulism, Nationalism and Pronatalist Demographic ControlCourts as Battlegrounds: Constitutionalizing and De-constitutionalizing SRHRInstitutional Policy Endeavours: Successes, Gaps and ContradictionsCOVID-19 and Crisis Governance: Disruptions and Interventions in SRHROthersPart III. Civil Society and Movements in SRHR Discourse and PraxisFeminist and Queer Movements Reclaiming Reproductive Autonomy (global south scholarships are encouraged)Marriage Equality and Other LGBTIQA+ Assertions in SRHR (e.g., Thailand, Taiwan, Argentina)Menstrual Rights Movements and Civil Society AdvocacyGrassroots and Community InterventionsTrans and Intersex Medical Interventions and SRHROthersPart IV. Sexual and Reproductive Rights and Justice in Contemporary TimesConcepts, Methods and Approaches in SRHR and JusticeAbortion Law Reforms and Debates: Decriminalization, Criminalization, and Recriminalization (e.g. Poland, Latin America, Indonesia, United States, China, India, Nepal)Contraceptive Access, Choice and Structural BarriersMenstrual Health as a Fundamental Right: Jurisprudence and Everyday PraxisClimate Change as a Reproductive IssueOthersPart V. Violence, Conflict, Displacement and SRHRSRHR in Conflict-Affected Regions (Africa, MENA, South Asia)Gender-Based and Sexual ViolenceForced Migration, Refugee Camps and Reproductive Health AccessWar, Humanitarian Emergencies and the Collapse of SRHR InfrastructureOthersPart VI. SRHR and Techno-Digital DevelopmentsTechno-Digital SRHR Initiatives: Inclusion, Exclusion and Design BiasTelemedicine, SRHR Applications, and the Politics of Digital AccessSurveillance, Data Governance and the Reproductive Body OnlineIntersectional and Decolonial PerspectivesMisinformation and Digital Politics in SRHRAssisted Reproductive Technologies and SRHROthersPart VII. Marginalized communities, Regional Perspectives and Transnationalization of SRHRDisability, Bodily Autonomy and Reproductive RightsSRHR Among Sexual and Gender MinoritiesSRHR Among Indigenous/ Tribals/ Adivasis, Ethnic MinoritySRHR in Less Developed/ Global South regionsNorth-South Dynamics: Aid, Policy Transfer and Reproductive SovereigntyGlobal Governance, International Law and Norm DiffusionCross-Border Reproductive Mobility and “Abortion Tourism”Transnational Advocacy Networks and SRHR DiplomacyOthersAbstracts are invited on the above / related themes.We encourage abstracts focusing on women, indigenous, LGBTIQA+ and migrant populations, global south perspectives and other marginalized sections/ regions. Scholars, early-career researchers, practitioners, and activists working across disciplines (political science, sociology, anthropology, law, public health, gender studies, STS, history, and related fields) are encouraged to submit. We particularly welcome contributions from authors based in the Global South and from historically marginalized communities.Submissions are invited in the following formats:Empirical Research ChaptersTheoretical & Conceptual PapersPolicy Analyses & Case StudiesMethodological Reflections (challenges and ethics of SRHR fieldwork and others)Practitioner Reflections (grounded perspectives from the field)Submission Guidelines:Deadline: 15th Nov, 2026.Abstract guidelines: Include chapter’s main argument, methods and supporting evidence, and in-line references to key literature and theorists. Please include an indicative list of references (APA 7th edition style, single page) at the end of the abstract, and keywords (4-6).Word limit and format: 350-500 words (excluding keywords and references), using Calibri 11 font, typed with single space.Suggested abstract template: i) Title, ii) Brief overview/ background/ introduction, iii) Primary objective(s), iv) Main argument(s), v) Methods, vi) Supporting evidence, vii) Key/ preliminary findings (if applicable), viii) Keywords (4-6), (ix) Indicative single page reference.Author details: Include full name, institutional affiliation (or community/organization), email address, a 75–100 word bio.You may submit your abstract via email or upload it to the link provided belowSubmission: Single Word document named "EVPM Title of Abstract_NAME ".Subject line (for email submission): "Abstract Submission_ EVPM Abstract Title".Submission email and link: Email- doris.leibetseder@unibas.ch / Pushpikasapna@gmail.com; Link- https://forms.gle/8g5xxk7cPwuTdJce8Please Note:Authors of the selected abstracts will be notified by 30th January, 2027. Call for full chapters and other processes thereafter, TBD. Only authors of selected abstracts will be contacted.Authors submitting their abstracts to the XXI ISA Congress of Sociology 2027 on the same theme (refer to my previous post), may also submit their works for this edited volume provided they have not been published elsewhere.
- Scadenza: 01 dicembre 2026 Trans lesbians are the shadow history of trans femininity. Despite the demographic significance, archival proliferation, and longstanding cultural contributions of trans lesbians -- from the paintings of Toni Ebel (c1950) to the films of the Wachowski sisters (1995-present) -- both histories of lesbianism and transness consign the trans lesbian to footnotes. Trans lesbians appear as an aside in Esther Newton’s comment about hormone queens gone deep stealth to live with other women. They bear the weight of representation in origin stories for organized feminist transphobia -- the fabled flashpoint of Beth Elliot’s attempted exclusion from the 1973 West Coast Lesbian Conference, for example. And trans lesbian identity is rendered historiographically significant for its counter hegemonic exposure of the enmeshment of zones of trans experience, desire and sociality in Jules Gill-Peterson’s invocation of trans lesbians as the TERF’s, and sexology’s, nightmare. For this issue, we propose a change of perspective: it is high time to put trans lesbians in the spotlight, not as a reference point in discussion of supposedly more general or abstract points of lesbian and trans history and theory, but as themselves, in all of the particularities of their trans lesbian life.We propose trans lesbian life as a broad category that indexes both a discernably non-cis gendered positionality and the desire for women, inclusively conceived. Thus understood, trans lesbian life is inclusive of trans lesbianism as a claimed identity, as a set of erotic practices, as textual or visual representations, as a political orientation, and above all as a desire for the proliferation of lesbian life and culture. Against narratives that see transness as a threat to or a replacement for lesbianism, we seek to turn attention to the ways that trans lesbianism celebrates, upholds, and expands on histories of lesbian life—histories that it has always been a part of. For this reason, we believe it is vitally important to speak of trans lesbian life—even now, especially now. In spite of all the considerable forces actively trying to suppress its very possibility, trans lesbian life continues to flourish: in bars and Discord chatrooms, in bedrooms and in the streets, in literature and in memes, in political struggles and in wanton expression of lust. Therefore, to speak of trans lesbians only—or even primarily—as a flashpoint in culture wars and a minority under threat is to do them a great disservice. To the end of giving an account of trans lesbian life, we invite contributions that:Highlight how trans lesbianism is lived, practiced and expressed, both today and throughout history, and shed light on trans lesbian modes of history- and community- making, including specifically digital and niche forms of trans lesbian community formation;Show how trans lesbian life and culture can contribute to lesbian and trans theory and philosophy, and consider what a trans lesbian perspective can contribute to our understanding of transfemininities, transwomanhoods and gendered bodyminds more broadly.Explore gender politics and erotics of trans lesbian relationships (t4t, relationships between trans and non-trans lesbians, non-binary lesbians etc.) as well as particularly trans lesbian forms of sexual practice and expression;Consider how the conditions of trans lesbian life are co-constitued through intersections with class and conditions of work, race and racialisation, geography and geopolitics, and all the other factors that help to pluralize our understanding of trans lesbian lives;Put trans lesbian life in conversation with Black feminism, queer theory, mad/crip theory, porn and kink studies, new media studies, femme theory, and contemporary reconsiderations of feminist theories across its many “waves”.Submission InstructionsIn all of the above, we especially welcome contributions that provide perspectives that decenter Western standpoints and which speak to the conditions of trans lesbian life outside of the Western context, or which seek to trouble the West-versus-the-rest binary that continues to structure so much of our understanding of globalisation and locality in women, gender, and sexuality studies. We also welcome contributions from Central Eastern European and Diasporic (CEED) perspectives, and those which decenter or provincialise hegemonic American histories. And we welcome creative approaches to the article form.Please send short proposals of 300 word and a short bio to Dr. J. Szpilka, jszpilka@swps.edu.pl and Dr Em Cousens emily.cousens@nulondon.ac.uk
- Scadenza: 15 dicembre 2026 Bislang sind Auseinandersetzungen mit Behinderung in der deutschsprachigen Politikwissenschaft rar: Menschen mit Behinderungen und/oder chronischen Erkrankungen werden wenig in politikwissenschaftlichen Analysen und Theoretisierungen berücksichtigt. Ebenso verhält es sich mit der kritischen Auseinandersetzung mit Konstruktionen vermeintlicher körperlicher oder intellektueller ‚Normalität‘. Ableismus und Saneismus als gesellschaftliche Ordnungsmuster, die Rolle von Behinderung als Differenz- und Identitätskategorie und die damit einhergehenden historischen und gegenwärtigen politischen Kämpfe werden selten systematisch betrachtet. Abwesend ist Behinderung auch als Name für etwas, das sich den Konzeptionen von politischem Handeln und von Institutionen in der (feministischen) Politikwissenschaft entziehen kann. Dennoch ist Behinderung in der beschriebenen Abwesenheit anwesend, nämlich als Verandertes, Verdrängtes, Verworfenes, Bedrohliches in der bestehenden herrschaftlichen politischen Ordnung und ihrer Analyse.Davon ausgehend möchten wir mit dem geplanten Schwerpunkt den Dialog zwischen feministischer Politikwissenschaft und Disability Studies, inklusive der verknüpften (Sub-)Felder wie Mad Studies, Deaf Studies, Blind Studies oder Queer Crip Theory, vorantreiben. Behinderung soll in dem Heft nicht als private Angelegenheit individueller Körper gefasst werden, sondern als politisch hervorgebracht. Folgende Themenfeldernwollen wir mit dem Heft adressieren:Konzeptarbeit: Wir laden Beiträge ein, die zentrale Konzepte der Politikwissenschaft und der Disability Studies durch einen kritischen Dialog schärfen. Dazu gehören auch forschungsethische, methodologische und epistemologische Reflexionen.Was ist oder als was erscheint Behinderung in der Politikwissenschaft?Was gewinnen wir, wenn wir politikwissenschaftliche Konzeptionen hinsichtlich ihrer Fähigkeit befragen, Menschen mit Behinderung gerecht zu werden? Wie verändern sich Konzepte von Citizenship, Gerechtigkeit, Teilhabe, Demokratie u. a., wenn Behinderung und Neurodivergenz als Ausdruck menschlicher Vielfalt ernst genommen statt entpolitisiert werden?Wie können durch die Verbindung von Disability Studies und feministischen, queeren, trans*, post- und dekolonialen sowie kapitalismuskritischen Ansätzen politikwissenschaftliche Konzeptualisierungen von Intersektionalität geschärft werden?Politische Theorie und Ideengeschichte: Wir laden zu Beiträgen ein, die sich mit den (naturalisierten) Fähigkeitserwartungen bzw. unreflektierten ability- oder capacity-zentrierten Setzungen in der politischen Theorie und Ideengeschichte auseinandersetzen.Wie formen Fähigkeitserwartungen den Kanon der politischen Theorie und Ideengeschichte?Wie sind Konstruktionen von ‚Fähigkeiten‘ verwoben mit der ‚Kolonialität der Macht‘?Wo ist Behinderung in Idealvorstellungen von z.B. politischer Subjektivität, politischer Agency, Fähigkeit zur Diskursteilhabe, Selbstbestimmung, oder Demokratiefähigkeit anwesend_abwesend – als Verdrängtes, die Ordnung Störendes oder auch als explizites Exklusionskriterium?Regierung von/durch Behinderung: Ebenso interessieren wir uns für Beiträge, die sich mit dem Staat als zentralem Akteur in der Norm(alis)ierung von Körpern und mit rechtlichen und staatlichen Regulierungen von Behinderung auseinandersetzen.Wie sind staatliche Familien-, Sexualitäts- und Bevölkerungspolitiken von abilityzentrierten Setzungen geprägt und wie knüpfen sich hier Intersektionen?Wie verändern sich in den Staat eingeschriebener Ableismus und Saneismus historisch: im Wohlfahrtsstaat, im Kontext neoliberaler Transformation, als Antwort auf Forderungen von Behindertenrechtsbewegungen?Zeitdiagnosen: Der Schwerpunkt fokussiert auch gegenwärtige politische Entwicklungen und fragt danach, wie diese durch einen Dialog zwischen Disability Studies und feministischer Politikwissenschaft umfassender und präziser analysiert werden können.Wie kann der politische Umgang mit Behinderung als Indikator für die Krise der Demokratie, die zunehmende Prekarisierung, die um sich greifende Faschisierung des Sozialen untersucht werden?In welcher Verbindung steht der neoliberale Abbau des Wohlfahrtsstaats zu Maskulinisierungs-, ‚Wehrhaftigkeits-‘, Resilienz- und Healthism-Diskursen?Wie verknüpft sich die Autoritarisierung von Grenzregimen mit ability-/capacity-zentrierten Bio- und Nekropolitiken in Kriegsregionen, auf der Flucht, in Lagern?Widerstände, Bewegungen und Utopien: Schließlich freuen wir uns über Beiträge, die durch alternative Wissensbestände aus den Disability Studies und Bewegungskontexten zu Körperlichkeit, Sorge, dem Sozialen, dem Politischen u.v.m. feministische Politikwissenschaft vertiefen.Inwiefern können Formen des politischen Protests und ‚das Politische‘ durch Perspektiven aus den Disability Studies kritisch befragt und erweitert werden?Was sind kollektive Strategien gegen ableistische Strukturen und wie kann politisches Handeln auf kollektive Sorge und Inklusion ausgerichtet werden?Wie werden in Behindertenrechtsbewegungen und Krüppel-/Crip-Aktivismen intersektionale Verbindungen zu feministischen, queeren, trans*, inter*, antirassistischen, antifaschistischen und antikolonialen Kämpfen gelebt?Wo und wie entstehen Solidarität und Allyship, aber auch Friktion und Konflikt?Abstracts und Kontakt: Deadline 30. November 2026Der Schwerpunkt wird inhaltlich von Mai-Anh Boger, Gundula Ludwig und Carolin Zieringer betreut. Wir bitten um ein Abstract in der Länge von 250-500 Wörtern bis zum 30. November 2026 an mboger@uni-koblenz.de und redaktion@femina-politica.de.Die Femina Politica versteht sich als intersektional feministische Fachzeitschrift. Sie fördert wissenschaftliche Arbeiten von Frauen und anderen geschlechtlich marginalisierten Personen (wie etwa trans*, inter*, nicht-binären oder geschlechternonkonformen Personen) in und außerhalb der Hochschule und lädt zum Einreichen inhaltlich qualifizierter Abstracts ein. Angesichts des Schwerpunkts freuen wir uns besonders über Einreichungen von Personen mit Behinderung und/oder chronischen Erkrankungen.Abgabetermin der BeiträgeDie Schwerpunktverantwortlichen laden auf der Basis einer Auswahl aus den eingereichten Abstracts bis zum 15. Dezember 2026 zur Einreichung von Beiträgen ein. Der Abgabetermin für die fertigen, anonymisierten Beiträge im Umfang von 35.000 bis max. 40.000 Zeichen (inklusive Leerzeichen, Fußnoten und Literatur) ist der 15. März 2027. Die Angaben zu den Autor*innen dürfen ausschließlich auf dem Titelblatt erfolgen, um eine Verzerrung der Begutachtung zu vermeiden. Alle Manuskripte unterliegen einem Peer-Review-Verfahren. Pro Beitrag gibt es ein externes Gutachten (beidseitig anony- mes review) und ein internes Gutachten von den Herausgeber*innen. Wenn die Einschätzungen der Gutachter*innen zu weit auseinanderliegen, kann ein drittes Gutachten eingeholt werden. Die Rückmeldung der Gutachter*innen erfolgt bis spätestens 15. Mai 2027.Die endgültige Entscheidung über die Veröffentlichung des Beitrags wird durch die Herausgeber*innen auf Basis der Gutachten getroffen. Hier kann es auch zu Ablehnungen kommen, wenn beide Gutachten eindeutig negativ sind. Der Abgabetermin für die Endfassung des Beitrags ist der 15. Juli 2027. Die Deadlines sind nicht leider nicht flexibel, um ein zeitgerechtes Erscheinen des (gedruckten) Heftes sicherzustellen.
- Scadenza: 15 dicembre 2026 Call for Papers for the Special Issue of the Journal of Cultural Management and Cultural PolicyGuest editors:Mathilde Provansal Ludwig Maximilians University, Munich mathilde.provansal@soziologie.uni-muenchen.deSari Karttunen, Center for Cultural Policy Research Cupore, Helsinki sari.karttunen@cupore.fiThis special issue examines gender inequality and gender-based discrimination and violence in the cultural sector. Across many countries, artistic and cultural higher education has seen growing enrolment across diverse student populations but it has not translated into equal opportunities or working conditions in cultural and artistic labour markets. Individuals across the gender spectrum continue to encounter subtle, informal, and sometimes overt obstacles in artistic and cultural careers. The #MeToo movement brought heightened public and institutional attention to gender-based violence in training institutions and cultural organisations, prompting renewed scrutiny of professional norms and organisational cultures.Gender inequality and gender-based violence in the arts and culture may be sustained by multi-level social mechanisms: institutional routines, organisational cultures, professional norms, gatekeeping practices, evaluation standards, and labour market structures. Despite measures introduced to address structural (equality action plans, training programmes, gender-sensitive funding criteria, internal reporting mechanisms, guidelines for safe work environments, anti-harassment codes of conduct, gender-focused networks, and monitoring tools), academic research remains scattered and often descriptive. Existing work tends to focus on individual institutions, national policy frameworks or specific artistic disciplines. Comparative research across nations and cultural fields is still scarce. Few studies focus on ways to address gender-based violence in the arts and culture. Little is known about how equality and anti-violence measures reshape organisational cultures, professional relations and artistic value systems—or the extent to which they challenge the longstanding structural foundations of gender inequality within cultural labour markets.The proposed special issue aims to explore how gender inequality is confronted in different cultural and artistic fields, how policy ideas travel between contexts, how institutional actors negotiate demands for accountability, and how cultural workers experience transformations currently under way. Contributions that challenge assumptions about the novelty of the post-#MeToo moment are particular welcomed.We invite submissions on themes relating to questions of gender in the arts and culture sector, including but not limited to:Conceptualisations of gender, equality, diversity and equity as they relate to cultural management and cultural policy and tensions that arise between artistic autonomy, equality, and cultural policyInternal policies of artistic training institutions and cultural organizations and measures for responding to gender-based discrimination, harassment, and violenceCurrent debates on gender in the arts and culture sectorRelationships between gender and labour precarity in the arts and culture sectorOrganisational responses to demands for institutional accountability in the wake of increased public scrutiny of gender-based misconduct, as well as leadership responsibilities for safe-work placesWe welcome contributions in the form of traditional research articles, scholarly essays, and case studies. Please consult the submission guidelines for each format at: https://journals.sagepub.com/author-instructions/CUPDeadline for submissions: December 15, 2026The peer-reviewed journal is published twice a year with a thematic section focusing on a special issue. Contributions should be clearly written, well-structured, novel and interesting for our audience. Submit original, unpublished manuscripts to be submitted via manuscriptcentral.
- Scadenza: 09 aprile 2027 Across the globe, nationalist projects are being renewed and intensified, mobilizing “gender” as a central site of social and political struggle. From anti-gender movements and border regimes to racialized citizenship policies and digital surveillance, contemporary nationalisms draw on gender and related intersectional structures to organize political belonging, govern populations, and delineate whose lives are recognized as part of “the nation.” These developments lend a particular urgency to examining thephilosophical stakes of the relationship between “gender” and “nation” today.This special issue of Hypatia: A Journal of Feminist Philosophy invites philosophicalengagements of the topic of “Gender and Nation.” We seek contributions that interrogate how nations are imagined, experienced, constituted, and governed through genderedlogics that shape various forms of exclusion, political subjectivity, citizenship, and national belonging. While broadly soliciting contributions that (re)consider “the nation” alongside “gender,” we also wish to mark the 30th anniversary of Nira Yuval-Davis’ influential book, Gender and Nation. Yuval-Davis’ work has been foundational for studies on gender and nationalisms, and has inspired countless feminist analyses of the idea and lived experience of “the nation.” In the 30 years since the book’s publication, the world has changed in unimaginable ways, with the last decade, in particular, witnessing a resurgence in nationalist fervour that forms part of a global shift to the right. An assessment of and reengagement with “gender and nation” is therefore not only apt, but arguably more pressing than ever, given that such nationalist resurgence has deployed gendered dynamics that are deeply troubling from a feminist perspective. Questioning whether the idea and attendant realisation of “the nation” can ever be straightforwardly adopted by feminists, this special issue also provides an opportunity to highlight past and present feminist resistance to misogyny and sexist policymaking underlying patriarchal nation-building projects. Indeed, there are numerous examples of feminist activism and scholarship challenging nationalism, but also reconfiguring and claiming “the nation” and “nationalism” in progressive terms. Building on the by now large and influential feminist literature on nationalisms, of which Gender and Nation is a stalwart, we invite contributors to take stock of work on “the nation”, and to present new and promising ways of thinking about the theme of gender and nation. To this end, articles might address, without being limited to, the following questions:How are nationalisms and ideas of “the nation” gendered, classed, and racialized (among others)? What mechanisms and structures underlie the intersectional injustices attendant in patriarchal nationalist projects? What types of nationalisms are particularly harmful to marginalized groups?What has been the impact and the enduring legacy of Yuval-Davis’ book Genderand Nation? How does her work align or compare with other feminists doing work on ‘gender and the nation’? How has feminist work on gender and nationalisms developed or shifted in the last 30 years? Are certain philosophical frameworks more suitable for theorising the gendered construction of ‘the nation’ than others? How have or might recent developments in feminist thought (e.g. in affect theory, new materialism, and disability studies, including work by Sara Ahmed and Jasbir Puar) come to bear upon feminist theorisations of the nation? How can and do feminists oppose patriarchal nation-building (across diverse social, geographical, and political contexts)? How have feminists engaged with nationalist movements that resist colonial occupation and/or oppressive state policies? How do diasporas, exiles, and stateless communities reconfigure the idea of nationhood?Can there be a feminist nationalism? What would this look like?What role do the institutions of family, religion, and state play in nationalisms and how are these often understood and imagined in gendered ways? What particular harms and injustices are attributable to patriarchal conceptualisations of the nation and its realisation via gendered policymaking – e.g. what is the relationship between the gendered nation and sexual violence, the denial of reproductive rights, forced institutionalisation, illicit adoption, andcriminalization of marginalized gender/sexual identity (among others)? How have feminists sought to redress such harms?How do contemporary “anti-gender” movements mobilize nationalism, and how have feminists and queer/trans activists resisted these formations?How are nation-building projects reshaped through digital infrastructures—e.g., social media, algorithmic classification, digital citizenship—and how are theseinflected by gender?How have white nationalist movements co-opted feminist language of “women’s liberation” and “progress” to mark racially marginalized groups, particularly Muslim minority communities, as outsiders to the nation? How has such rhetoric been challenged in feminist scholarship?Contributors working in and across various relevant disciplines (e.g. philosophy, gender studies, sociology, literature, politics, and disability studies) are invited to address thesequestions philosophically, and to do so drawing on a range of theoretical frameworks (such as critical race theory, crip theory, queer theory, and postcolonial theory). Wewelcome contributions from diverse social, cultural, and geographical contexts, including those approaching “gender and nation” through decolonial, Indigenous, queer of colour,trans, and Black feminist frameworks.Submissions must be written in English and prepared for anonymous review. We will accept both traditional article submissions (up to 10,000 words long, excluding footnotes and references) and musings (4,000 words including footnotes, but not references). Musings are not merely short research articles; they are often more personal and/or more concerned with current issues than full-fledged academic articles, and they are typically less rooted in particular bodies of literature. However they are approached, Musings should seek to catalyse philosophical reflection on important issues in feminist philosophy. (For examples, please see the recently published Musings on our FirstView pages.) We encourage submissions to be written in a style accessible across relevant disciplines, and with an eye to understanding concrete social and political phenomena. Deadline for submission: 9th April 2027Please submit your original manuscript electronically through the Cambridge University Press online submission and review system ScholarOne. Manuscripts need to be prepared for anonymous review. More information may be found in the Manuscript Preparations Guidelines.For any questions on this special issue, contact the guest editors: Clara Fischer (C.Fischer@qub.ac.uk) and Fulden İbrahimhakkıoğlu (fulden@metu.edu.tr).